BOGUMILS
as Inspiration
|

Guy Verhofstadt
The man of the year
L'homme de l'an
De man van het jaar
|

|
|
English - L'Anglais
Today News |
Dutch - Nederlands
Vandaag Nieuws |
French - Français
Aujourd'hui Nouvelles |
German - Deutsch
Heute Nachrichten |
|
|
|
Video Shows Fugitive
Mladic Moving Freely
English
May 22, 2009

Young
Bosnians: waiting for their politicians to open the door to visa
free travel?
Dear friends of ESI,
This is a time for taking concrete decisions concerning visa free
travel to the EU for the citizens of Western Balkan countries.
Next week, Monday, 25 May 2009, the Commission will discuss its
newest assessment reports on the issue with EU member
states' officials. For more detailed information on the assessments
please look at our
exclusive Scorecard of Schengen White List Conditions
(22 May 2009).
These assessments conclude – based on the most thorough expert
assessments ever undertaken in the fields of document security,
border control, migration management and security – that Macedonia
meets the conditions for visa-free travel, that Montenegro and
Serbia meet most of the conditions for visa-free travel, and that
Bosnia-Herzegovina and
Albania
do not (yet) meet the conditions for visa free travel.
If EU member states follow the Commission's assessments and apply
the strict conditionality they have themselves defined they will
offer
Macedonia
visa-free travel. As for
Montenegro
and
Serbia,
the Commission and EU member states will need to weigh whether to
reward the impressive recent progress made in both countries (particularly
in recent months) or whether to withhold any concrete rewards until
all conditions are actually met. A third option, preferable to a
negative decision, might be to make one more final assessement in
these two countries before the end of July.
Kosovo, the sixth Western Balkan state whose citizens
are required to obtain a visa to travel to the EU, is not yet
included in this process leading to visa liberalisation. It risks
being left behind as an isolated enclave in the region. It is not
clear why the EU would wish to forego such a powerful instrument to
improve policing, border controls and the rule of law in Kosovo.
 |
 |
|
Olli Rehn,
Gerald Knaus,
Alex Stiglmayer discussing the Balkans |
Showing the
way:
Macedonian music knows no borders |
Understanding visa liberalisation – from A to Z
ESI analysts, led by senior analyst and visa project coordinator
Alex Stiglmayer, and supported by Kristóf Gosztonyi have also
produced a detailed glossary on visa liberalisation (Visa
Roadmap A to Z). We are grateful to the
Robert Bosch Stiftung for supporting this
project.
This glossary explains all the key concepts and technical terms that
appear in the
visa
roadmaps for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia,
Montenegro and Serbia, making clear how far-reaching the reforms are
that these states have to undertake to qualify for visa-free travel
with the Schengen countries. It is evident that these reforms will
be beneficial not only to the Balkan countries, but will also help
protect the EU against crime and illegal immigration from all over
the world.
In coming days we will make more information and analysis available
on our website. In case of questions, please do not hesitate to
contact us.
Many best wishes,
Gerald Knaus
Further reading
- Exclusive:
New Commission assessments (May 2009)
- About the Schengen White List Project
- Strict but fair – The Declaration
- Stories from the Balkan ghetto
- The
road to visa-free travel
- Media reactions
- Recommended reading and watching
-
Balkan Cage Video
- ESI
Armenia-Turkey Report – Media Reactions
- ESI
news
Feedback:
As always, we are looking forward to your feedback. However, please
do not reply directly to this message but send your comments to
feedback@esiweb.org.
Contact:
European Stability Initiative (ESI)
Grossbeerenstrasse 83
10963 Berlin
GERMANY
Tel: +49 30 53214455
Fax: +49 30 53214457
E-mail: info@esiweb.org
Website:
www.esiweb.org
© European Stability Initiative (ESI) |
|
English
Roxana Saberi is Free!
Posted by:
Rebecca Young
Click for Big Picture
Almost 28,000 activists
signed the Care2 petition urging the Iranian government to free
Roxana Saberi, and these signatures made a difference. Today,
American journalist Roxana Saberi walked out of prison in Iran, and
is free.
Ms. Saberi appealed her conviction on charges of espionage, and
thanks to international pressure on the Iranian government, she
received an appeal date of yesterday and her charges were reduced.
You can
read more about Ms. Saberi's appeal and release on the BBC News
website. You can also visit
FreeRoxana.net to read more about the global campaign to support
Ms. Saberi and the
Committee to Protect Journalists to learn about the journalists
who remain imprisoned in Iran and around the world.
Thank you so much to everyone who signed our petition - it is so
heartening to see that when people around the world tap the power of
the internet to protest human rights abuses, we really can
make a difference.
Read more:
human rights,
roxanasaberi,
press
freedom,
freeroxana |
|
Dutch
Date: 27 April 2009
Sender: FOD VOLKSGEZONDHEID / SPF SANTE PUBLIQUE
WHO kondigt fase 4 van het pandemieplan af
WHO kondigt fase 4 van het pandemieplan af:
kleine clusters met beperkte mens op mens overdracht
De Wereldgezondheidsorganisatie kondigt fase 4 van het
internationaal Pandemieplan af. Fase 4 betekent dat er kleine
cluster(s) met een beperkte overdracht van mens op
mens bestaan, maar dat de verspreiding zeer lokaal is, wat
suggereert dat het virus nog niet goed is aangepast aan de mens.
Deze clusters werden opgemerkt in Mexico en de
Verenigde Staten.
De Europese Commissie en haar agentschappen, het Europees Centrum
voor ziektebestrijding (ECDC) en WHO monitoren, net als de Belgische
autoriteiten, de laatste
ontwikkelingen op internationaal en Europees niveau nauwkeurig.
Alle lidstaten worden aangespoord om hun operationele
pandemiedraaiboek fase 4 te ontplooien.
Meer informatie over de Mexicaanse griep is beschikbaar op :
www.influenza.be.
Personal Contacts:
Mr. Jan Eyckmans
Phone: 02/5249045
Email: jan.eyckmans@health.fgov.be
Date: 27 April 2009
Sender: FOD VOLKSGEZONDHEID / SPF SANTE PUBLIQUE
Mogelijke gevallen van Mexicaanse griep in België : alle resultaten
zijn negatief
Het Interministerieel Commissariaat Influenza laat weten dat 6
personen die verbleven hebben in een gebied dat getroffen is door de
Mexicaanse griep, testen ondergaan
hebben nadat zij symptomen van de griep vertoonden.
De analyses van het Wetenschappelijk Instituut Volksgezondheid (WIV),
hebben vannacht aangetoond dat alle gevallen negatief zijn en dat
geen enkele van deze zes
landgenoten de Mexicaanse griep heeft opgelopen.
Meer informatie over de Mexicaanse griep is beschikbaar op :
www.influenza.be.
Personal Contacts:
Personal Contacts:
Mr. Jan Eyckmans
Phone: 02/5249045
Email: jan.eyckmans@health.fgov.be
Gratis telefoon:
0800/99.777 |
|
March 20, 2009
Dear friends of ESI,
In February 2004 the Serbian journalist Dejan Anastasijevic was
invited to participate in a conference on EU security in Brussels.
He applied for a Belgian visa in Belgrade and provided a letter of
invitation by Javier Solana, the EU's High Representative:
"I was told that Mr. Solana's invitation was invalid, since
he was not a citizen of Belgium, and the EU is not a Belgian
company."
One year later, invited to the second part of the same conference
in Spain, the question of Mr. Solana's invitation arose again:
"This time the problem was that he was not a Spanish resident.
Eventually I got the visa after threatening to write a newspaper
article about the issue."
Strict, fair, transparent
Dejan was, and is, not alone: in coming weeks we will publish
more
Stories from the Balkan ghetto. Applying for a Schengen visa
remains time-consuming, costly and stressful. People throughout the
region perceive the visa requirement as personal rejection. They are
unable to reconcile it with the offer of a future in the EU. Pro-EU
reformers feel discriminated against; businesspeople despair over
the limitations that it imposes on their companies' growth potential;
young people feel imprisoned.
Now, for the first time in two decades, there is real hope that
this situation will actually change. In 2008, the EU formulated a
series of concrete and demanding requirements in detailed "visa
roadmaps." It promised that visa-free travel is the reward for
meeting these benchmarks.
We want to contribute to making sure this EU-led process is
merit-based. This is also the key message of the declaration
jointly made by the Schengen White List Project advisory board,
chaired by former Italian Prime Minister and Interior Minister
Giuliano Amato, and by ESI:
"The EU's conditions are demanding. To meet them requires
money and effort. But their fulfilment will make the whole of
Europe, not just the Western Balkans, safer. Having well-secured
borders, regulated asylum procedures, forgery-proof passports
and police structures able to cooperate with law enforcement
agencies throughout Europe is a good in itself. It is
cooperation, not exclusion, which works best in fighting
organised crime and illegal migration."
ESI also believes that this requires that the process be
transparent. The citizens of Albania, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia have to know what has
been asked of their governments in order to hold them accountable
for progress (or lack thereof). The European public
deserves to know about the far-reaching reforms that the countries
are undertaking in order to keep the EU safe. For this reason, we
have collected relevant documents and put them online. They include
the
roadmaps,
reports on
activities and achievements sent by Western Balkan governments
to the European Commission, and the
Commission's assessments.
ESI is grateful to the
Robert Bosch Stiftung, which has made this
project possible.
 |
 |
 |
|
Ohrid, Macedonia |
biometric design in Macedonia and Montenegro |
Macedonia and European principles
There will be an early test of the EU's commitment to the
principle of "strict but fair". In all assessments undertaken until
now Macedonia is judged to be the front runner. Recently Czech
Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek visited Macedonia and stated that
"Macedonia has fulfilled all conditions for visa liberalisation, but
if there is a problem, it is political in nature."
As ESI Senior Analyst Alexandra Stiglmayer explains in a detailed
look at EU internal procedures, it will require an effort on the
part of the EU to ensure that even those countries (such as
Macedonia) which meet the requirements set out in the benchmarks
will be put on the Schengen White list in the course of 2009.
Failure to do so would, however, risk undermining the credibility of
the merit-based process.
As Macedonian Deputy Prime Minister Ivica
Bocevski told ESI in an interview:
"Macedonia – a country of 2 million citizens – is not a
threat, by any means, to the security and the migration policy
of the Union. In addition, Macedonia is at the bottom of the
list of states with asylum seekers."
"'Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!'", US president Ronald
Reagan told the Soviet leader in 1987, signalling the collapse
of communism and the end of divisions in Europe. It is now my
turn to use this line. Europe, tear down the Schengen wall for
our citizens!"
European enlargement debates
What does the Czech political elite (the current EU presidency)
think about future enlargement? Who in Poland (EU presidency 2011)
is interested in the Balkans and Turkey? What does Sweden expect to
be able to do for enlargement during its presidency in the second
half of 2009? And who are the enlargement sceptics among the French
elite in Paris?
In order to explore these questions ESI has organised a series of
conferences and presentations in the past 2 years for leading policy
makers and journalists from South East Europe. This has taken us to
Vienna,
Berlin,
Rome and
Paris; most recently we went to
Prague and
Warsaw.
In order to better understand the debate on the future of
enlargement ESI has also undertaken detailed research, which we want
to share with interested policy makers, journalists and civil
society actors.
You can now find background analysis and ESI manuals on
enlargement debates in the Czech
Republic, in
France
and in
Poland on our website. We hope these will help raise the profile
of this debate so vital to the future of the European continent.
Many best wishes,
Gerald Knaus
|
|
ENGLISH
The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies
(IFIMES) in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the
Middle
East and the Balkans. IFIMES has analysed current events in
Montenegro in view of early parliamentary elections scheduled for 29
March
2009. The most interesting sections from the comprehensive analysis
are given below.
Montenegro and parliamentary elections:
20 YEARS OF MILO ĐUKANOVIĆ'S
REGIME?
Montenegro became an independent state when the Assembly of the
Republic of Montenegro adopted the Declaration of Independence on 3
June
2006 based on the results of the referendum held on 21 May 2006.
Prior to that Montenegro was a constituent republic of the State
Union of
Serbia and Montenegro. The referendum on independence was
controversial in many aspects. Montenegrin citizens residing in
Serbia were not
allowed to vote while Montenegrins residing in any other state had
that right. Irregularities in the realisation of the referendum were
"given the blessing" from Slovak diplomats and EU high officials
Miroslav Lajčák and František Lipka. As Javier Solana's "protege"
Lajčák
was awarded for the job he did in Montenegro with the position of
high representative of the international community to Bosnia and
Herzegovina – and proved to be the worst of all high representatives
to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lipka was also well awarded for his job
in
Montenegro, although he is still involved in "blackmailing" the
Montenegrin civil society, forcing it to co-operate with him and to
cover
up with their activities his misuse of EU funds (privatisation).
Milo Đukanović's regime mobilised air carriers and other
transportation companies to transport voters to the referendum
venues, the cost of
which was borne by the state, national black reserves and
businessmen close to the ruling regime. Taking into account dubious
circumstances
under which the referendum was carried out, the difference of only a
few thousand votes in favour of independence casts a dark shadow
over
Montenegro's independence.
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS WITH 16 ELECTION LISTS
In Montenegro 498,285 citizens will have the right to vote at the
forthcoming early parliamentary elections scheduled for 29 March
2009.
They will have to choose from among 16 election lists:
● Coalition for European Montenegro - Milo Đukanović (DPS-Democratic
Party of Socialists, SDP-Social Democratic Party, HGI-Croatian Civic
Initiative and BS-Bosniak Party) ● Coalition for a Different
Montenegro - Dr. Goran Batrićević (LP-Liberal Party and
DC-Democratic Centre)
● People's coalition (NS-People's Party and DSS-Democratic Serbian
Party) ● Serbian National List (SSR-Party of Serbian Radicals,
SSN-Party
of Serb People and Citizens Groups) ● Coalition for "Bosniaks and
Muslims Together As One" (BDP-Bosniak Democratic Party and
DZBM-Democratic Union of Bosniaks and Muslims) ● Albanian coalition
of Democratic Union in Montenegro (Mehmet Bardhi) and Albanian
Alternative (Gjerg Camaj) ● Albanian coalition "Perspektiva" ● New
Serbian Democracy - Andrija Mandić ● Movement for Changes - "We can"
-
Nebojša Medojević ● Socialist People's Party - Srđan Milić ●
Democratic Union of Albanians - Ferhat Dinosha ● Montenegrin
Communists ●
Party of Pensioners and Persons with Disabilities in Montenegro ●
Forca - Nazif Cungu ● Party of Democratic Prosperity ● Fatherland
Serbian Party - dr. Aleksandar Stamatović - "For True Serbs"
For years, Prime Minister and DPS President Milo Đukanović has built
his authority on DPS, a b
police apparatus and the National
Security Agency (ANB) as the successor of the notorious State
Security Service, as well as through the media loyal to his regime,
especially national television and radio. Analysts have noted that
under those circumstances Montenegrin citizens and even some high
politicians (DPS) are being held hostages to Milo Đukanović's regime.
Numerous unresolved crimes were committed by the regime. On 27
February 1993 members of Serbian paramilitary troops under the
command of
Milan Lukić, who is in the Hague today (though not for this crime),
and with the logistic assistance from the state of Serbia kidnapped
a
group of passengers from the Belgrade - Bar train no. 671. Today
this crime against civilians (18 Bosniaks and one Croat) is almost
forgotten. In Montenegro a court trial was held only against Nebojša
Ranisavljević who was sentenced to 15 year imprisonment for war
crimes
against civilian population.
The regime was also responsible for the deportation of Bosnian
refugees and ethnic cleansing in Bukovica, war crimes in Croatia and
Bosnia
and Herzegovina, cigarette smuggling, dubious privatisation and
financial transactions as well as constructed accusations of
terrorism made
against 18 Albanians from Malesia, a part of Montenegro with the
majority Albanian population.
There are other unresolved crimes, such as the assassination of
Duško Jovanović, editor-in-chief of the opposition daily newspaper
"Dan",
who was murdered at the doorstep of his office more than four years
ago, and the murder of police inspector Slavoljub Šćekić.
MILO ĐUKANOVIĆ – JUST ANOTHER MANIPULATING
POLITICIAN
During the fateful period of 1988/89, the communist regime in
Montenegro was replaced with Milo Đukanović's regime including
Đukanović's
political ally Momir Bulatović and his Democratic Party of
Socialists (DPS). Thus, instead of replacing the totalitarian
communist regime,
a new totalitarian regime led by Milo Đukanović was formed – and it
has remained in power for 20 years. Analysts have noted that during
the
period of Đukanović's regime Montenegro has not established real
democracy but the so called "democratura", i.e. apparent democracy.
The
government which has uninterruptedly ruled Montenegro as a country
in transition for 20 years can definitely not be regarded as
democratic,
although it may appear as such at first sight.
Opinions on Prime Minister Milo Đukanović differ. The opposition
politician Slavko Perović believes that "Milo Đukanović is just
another
manipulating politician and a dedicated follower of Slobodan
Milošević. Just like Milošević, he was and is interested only in
power; he is
a man of the past and an outdated politician".
Dr. Milan Popović, Professor at the Faculty of Law in Podgorica,
described the change of power in 1988/89 with Milo Đukanović's
regime as a
very negative process: "Not only did they assume power in one of the
most violent and negative overthrows in the history of Montenegro
which took place in 1988/1989, but, what is more, they have managed
to preserve this regime based on corruption and violence until today.
Thus they only increase the possibilities for another violent and
revolutionary change in power in Montenegro with uncertain or even
negative results."
Dr. Milan Popović was summoned to the hearing on 27 February 2009 by
the State Prosecutor General of Montenegro for having expressed his
suspicion about the existence of organised crime among the highest
representatives of government in Montenegro, which represents an
open
form of pressure on free intellectuals and citizens who are not
loyal to the ruling regime. Moreover, during the election campaign
the
government exerted pressure on teachers and all those who are
financed from the state budget, calling them to express their
loyalty and
vote for DPS at the forthcoming elections. Even non-government
organisations in Montenegro are mostly controlled or influenced by
the
ruling structure.
Analysts point to the possibility of widespread protests against the
current DPS government in Montenegro, not forgetting the fact that
Milo Đukanović's regime was established on the street in a
nondemocratical way and with a b
support from Slobodan
Miliošević. Street
protests will probably determine also the destiny of Milo
Đukanović's regime. Analysts do not exclude the possibility of
politically
motivated violence and liquidations.
MIREK TOPOLÁNEK MISUSES EU PRESIDENCY
The EU has become actively involved in Montenegro's election
campaign, expressing support to DPS which has been the country's
ruling
structure for 20 years. This is also confirmed by the visits of high
officials from Montenegro to Brussels and other European cities,
such
as the reception of Milo Đukanović by EU High Representative for
foreign policy Javier Solana, EU Commissioner for Enlargement Olli
Rehn
and others. The visit of EU President and Czech Prime Minister Mirek
Topolánek to Montenegro on 11 March 2009 represents the culmination
of
EU's bias in favour of Montenegrin present government during the
country's election campaign. Topolánek has misused EU presidency to
promote Milo Đukanović. Why did Topolánek of all the West Balkan
states decide to visit Montenegro during the pre-election period?
The IFIMES International Institute considers it inappropriate for
the March 2009 European Council to discuss Montenegro's application
for
the status of EU candidate country during the country's election
campaign since that would represent its direct support to the DPS
regime
in Montenegro. IFIMES also considers it highly inappropriate for the
highest European officials to receive the leaders of that regime in
Brussels or visit Montenegro during the period of election campaign.
Analysts recommend that the EU should take measures in order to
distance itself from Milo Đukanović's regime by reducing meetings
with
Montenegrin officials and rejecting visas to high representatives of
the regime, while at the same time efforts should be made to achieve
the liberalisation or abolishment of the visa regime for the
citizens of Montenegro.
"PRVA BANKA" - OWNERSHIP OF THE ĐUKANOVIĆ FAMILY
"Prva banka" is a large commercial bank in Montenegro owned by the
Đukanović family and their friends. Three months ago the bank
received
a three-month loan in the amount of EUR 44 million on the basis of a
government decision. The aim of the intervention was to save "Prva
banka" from bankruptcy. The bank encountered financial difficulties
after it bought land at some elite locations at the coast and could
not
find the investor to finance the construction of buildings due to
the financial and economic crisis.
According to the information received by IFIMES, Đukanović wants to
sell "Prva Banka" to the state and thus perform a "selling-to-oneself"
transaction.
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST SERBS IN MONTENEGRO
Montenegro is a country without majority population. Officially,
ethnic Montenegrins dominate in the ruling structure where other
minority
nations are represented only for decoration purposes. The situation
is most difficult for ethnic Serbs who represent one third of the
population since they are exposed to b
assimilation processes.
Unless Serbia takes measures in order to protect Serbs in Montenegro
and resolve the problem of double citizenship, their position will
aggravate further.
In its recent report, the US State Department has made some serious
remarks regarding the situation in the judicial system and the
prosecution service in Montenegro as well as on the widespread
corruption in the society. It also mentioned police maltreatment of
suspects
held in detention, sub-standard prison conditions and misuses of
apprehension and pre-trial detention.
According to the latest data from Transparency International,
Montenegro is ranked 85th together with Albania, India, Madagascar,
Panama,
Senegal and Serbia.
VICTORY IS IMPOSSIBLE FOR THE OPPOSITION
The Montenegrin opposition did not unite in a political block before
the elections in order to act as a b
opponent to the current
regime, and it does not stand a chance to win the forthcoming
elections. Nevertheless, it is important that the ruling coalition
does not
win more than a half of votes and that elections are carried out
without the election fraud which was characteristic of all previous
elections in Montenegro.
Ljubljana, 18 March 2009
International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)
– Ljubljana
Directors:
Bakhtyar Aljaf
Zijad Bećirović, M.Sc.
|
|
ENGLISH
DR.
DAVITOVITS ELABORATES ON CONCRETE MATERIAL USED IN BOSNIAN PYRAMIDS
Written by Prof. Joseph Davidovits
Monday, 09 February 2009

Prof. Joseph Davidovits
Bonjour Sam,
I read with pleasure your last news about the analysis carried out
at the University in Zenica.
This confirms the first impression I got by studying the sample of
concrete you gave me in Edinburgh. I was struck by the presence of
pockets of what seemed to be calcined clay.
In your news dated of 03 February 2009, STONE BLOCKS FROM THE
BOSNIAN PYRAMIDS ANALYZED; RESULT - ANCIENT CONCRETE, the statement
by professor Muhamed Pasic from the Institute for materials, "...
that poorly baked clay crushed with water possesses binding
properties ...", is very important.
As you probably know, some clays, notably those based on kaolinitic
make up, when calcined, or backed at moderate temperature, i.e.
between 500 and 750 °C, yields a very reactive material that is
called metakaolin, when pure. This material is one of the preferred
reactive ingredient (among others) in our modern geopolymer
technology and geopolymer concrete. It has been the basis of the
best Roman cement mastered by the Roman Engineers 2000 years ago,
who added to lime the backed clay called in latin "testa",
translated into pot-sherd or backed clay. The result of this
technology was called Opus Signinum and Opus Testacaeum and can be
admired today in the Pantheon and the Coliseo, the Thermal Baths,
etc. in Rome. Our knowledge about the reactivity of this moderate
temperature backed clay is very young (I discovered it, 30 years ago)
and I am enthusiastic in reading that it could have been used by
those who built the Bosnian Pyramid of the Sun, Visoko.
But this is only one part of the story and I am sure we'll get more
surprising results that will confirm the "concrete theory" despite
of what Prof. Klemm wrote to Dr. Swellim (see in your news COMMENTS
ON CHEMICAL SOMPOSITION OF THE STONE BLOCKS FROM THE RED PYRAMID,
Tuesday, 30 December 2008), especially when he states that: "...I
suspect the authors wanted to support with the nail the funny
concrete story, created by J. Davidovits to power his "Pyrament"
cement as a "geopolymer" already used by the ancient Egyptians ...".
You should know that Egyptologists thought that I used Egyptology
and my pyramid concrete theory to make cheap publicity for the
cement Pyrament that was launched in USA in the 1990 by an American
Cement company.
Totally wrong and insulting. When I discussed with Prof. Klemm in
1988, at the Congress of Egyptologists, Cairo, when I visited him in
Munich in 1989, I was no longer involved in this industrial
application, and this cement was not known, so far. But some
Egyptologists are using this poor explanation to discredit my
research because they do not have any valid argument.
(I guess, Sam, you know about this feeling yourself.)
Hope to see you with pleasure soon.
PS: you may publish my mail in your news.
Joseph
-------------
Prof. Joseph Davidovits
http://www.davidovits.info

Bosnian Pyramids |
|
|
ENGLISH
Bosnia Capital Remembers Markale Massacre
Sarajevo | 05
February 2009
Sarajevans gathered on
Thursday to commemorate the Feb 5, 1994
Markale market massacre that killed 67
people and wounded 142, one of the bloodiest
incidents of civilian death of the 1992-95
Bosnia war.
Report done by Justice Report
www.bim.ba
The shelling attack by the Bosnian Serb
Republika Srpska Army, VRS, came at noon,
wreaking havoc in the crowded marketplace in
downtown Sarajevo.
“We must not forget this day and not to
forget the people who died here, ever,”
Zeljko Komsic, member of Bosnia’s
tri-partite presidency said at the memorial
ceremony.
"The pictures after the massacre shocked the
whole world - bodies lying everywhere,
people crying, begging for help, and the
people of Sarajevo helping them. I remember
that day vividly."
Scenes of the carnage were broadcast around
the world, galvanizing public opinion
against Bosnian Serb forces for attacking a
crowded market place at lunchtime, when it
was full of civilians and traders trying to
eke out the daily necessities in the
besieged city.
Bosnian Serb forces vehemently denied
responsibility , accusing Bosnia’s
government of shelling and killing its own
people in a conspiracy to win sympathy
abroad, while a report by United Nations
peacekeepers at the time was inconclusive.
The controversy fed on the mutual mistrust
between the former rivals and was only
partially put to rest with the 2004
conviction of Stanislav Galic, so far the
only person to have been convicted for the
massacre.
Major General Galic, commander of the
Sarajevo-Romanija Corps of the
Republika Srpska Army from November 1992 to
August 1994, was originally
sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment.
The verdict against Galic cites the massacre
at Markale, among other things.
"The Trial Chamber heard detailed testimony
on this incident. We examined the results of
an investigation conducted by the United
Nations staff and local investigators after
the incident. We also studied the analyses
made by experts who were invited by the
parties to the trial. A number of pieces of
new data were presented. Most Trial Chamber
members determined that the mortar shell
which caused the explosion had been fired
from the territory controlled by the
Sarajevo-Romanija Corps. This was a
destructive attack on a civilian target,"
the verdict states.
The same decision determined that the
citizens of Sarajevo "were directly and
unselectively attacked from the positions
held by the Sarajevo-Romanija Corps... What
we know is that hundreds of civilians were
killed and thousands were wounded in sniper
incidents and shelling that happened in the
course of the two-year period covered by
this indictment. An insignificant number of
those incidents, only an insignificant
number, could have been caused by accident".
Following an appeal, Galic’ sentence was
revised to lifetime imprisonment, in
November 2006. On January 15 this yea he
was transferred from the Detention Unit at
The Hague to Germany to serve his sentence.
Besides Galic, Radovan Karadžić is also
charged with the shelling of Sarajevo. He is
currently at The Hague awaiting trial, after
having been arrested in Belgrade in 2008,
following 13 years on the run.
|
|
ENGLISH
The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)
in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the Middle East
and the Balkans. Saffet Akkaya, Colonel (Retd), Phd Candidate
at the International Relations Middle East Technical University,
Ankara/Turkey and Member of IFIMES International Institute has
presented his views of the current situation in regional security.
His article entitled "US MILITARY BASES IN ROMANIA AND BULGARIA
AND THEIR POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS ON REGIONAL SECURITY" is
published in its entirety.

Saffet Akkaya, Colonel (Retd) Phd Candidate at the International Relations Middle East Technical University, Ankara/Turkey Member of IFIMES International Institute
US MILITARY BASES IN ROMANIA AND BULGARIA AND THEIR POSSIBLE
IMPLICATIONS ON REGIONAL SECURITY
INTRODUCTION
It is evident that, almost two decades passed after the end
of cold war period, and the world is divided into two main camps to
name; the Centre and the Periphery. At the beginning of this article,
it may be useful to look at the position of the states like Bulgaria
and Romania from a broader perspective, which once were the members
of the periphery in the Communist Block. Throughout the new
reformation and restructuring phases of the global age, new world
order has dictated certain unnamed rules that are vital for the
future of global order and mankind. Current world order is
completely different and the political, geographical or cultural
principles of the cold-war era to classify the states into different
groups are not relevant anymore. Description of south, north, west,
second world, and third world has changed dramatically. Centre is
composed of economically and militarily b
states, basically the
representatives of hegemonic liberalism, no matter at which
geographic location they occupy on the planet. On the other hand,
Periphery is made by the states who were once the members of Second
(communist block) or Third Worlds and some other states that are
excluded from the centre for cultural, religious or ideological
reasons. Now, there is a struggle among the peripheral states,
trying to be a member of centre at all costs. The expansion of NATO
and EU towards east to the expense of old Soviet territories in
general and Russia in particular, need to be evaluated through the
principles of a broader security perception.
REAL EXISTING LIBERALISM
The bi-polar system has been replaced by multi-polar power
structure after the demise of Soviet Union. Addition to U.S as the
super power of cold war era, new powers have emerged such as,
European Union, China, Japan and Russia. Even India and Brazil can
qualify for such a classification. This new multi-polar system
affords a reduction in the intensity of ideological or power rivalry
and boosts the regional politics that will impose less pressure on
the periphery states and encourage them to change location. Another
common feature of the multi-polar centre is that there is no
ideological rivalry among them and they all share a wider consensus
on liberal economic system. Mainly based on this consensus, a
“security community” has been created which minimizes the danger of
war between the members. Since they do not need to compete with each
others militarily, the members of security community possess a good
advantage in International Political Economy and they can handle any
challenge more easily. The military coalitions in first and second
Gulf Wars and Afghanistan campaign are good samples for those quick
and successful military collaborations. Such coalitions show the
general nature of security relations in a future world dominated by
the Centre which has the ability to isolate any aggressor that
threatens the present political and economic order. For the sake of
their economic interests based on liberal rules, Neither China, nor
Russia have proved rigid reactions even against the invasion of Iraq
in 2003 and have felt obliged to accept this de facto situation
limiting their resistance to some soft-balancing diplomatic
manoeuvres.
Parallel to these uprooted changes in global age, a new sort of
military organization, structure and a military culture is
developing in the Centre that promotes the position of USA as the
hegemonic power controlling the technology, financial resources,
nuclear and conventional arsenal and international institutions.
During the Cold War era, the teachings of liberalism were
represented by the Americans in a robust mode to assure security in
defense of both its global achievements and to respond a possible
threat by Soviet Union which was not solely military but also
ideological, social and economic. But in late1980s, a new security
agenda emerged questioning the position of military-political issues
as the centre of security concerns. Turbulence has started to
surround the world politics, and in this new term, unlike the cold
war era’s dogmatic military issues, security concern began to face a
wider spectrum including economic, environmental, social aspects. In
this respect, successful liberalism became a b
movement to
securitize a wider spectrum of economic, societal, political and
environmental issues as well as traditional military ones. This
relatively broad security agenda consists of five dimensions.
Military security; includes the defensive and offensive capabilities
of the states and their perceptions on each others intentions.
Political security; concerns the organizational stability of states
and the systems of the governments. Economic security; promotes
access to the resources and markets that are vital to sustain the
welfare and the power for the states. Societal security; explains
the traditional patterns of language, culture, religion and national
identity for societies. Environmental security; concerns the local
and planetary biosphere where all humans depend on without any
discrimination. These five sectors do not operate independent from
each others, but tied b
ly to each others.
The position of Romania, Bulgaria, Czech Republic and Poland and
some other ex-soviet states hosting US bases in Central Asia can be
explained from a broader perspective of new security perception of
global age. Being the military partner of an organization does not
provide full confidence to the states to feel themselves in security,
and other four aspects of a broader security concept need to be
fulfilled accordingly. The pre-cold-war political, social and
ideological descriptions have changed and peripheral states seem
ready to sacrifice their national and regional concerns to join the
Centre.
FOOTPRINTS OF AN EMPIRE
Parallel to above mentioned factors, the history of the U.S.
military presence overseas is intimately connected with the growth
of the United States as a world power. Military victory in two world
wars enabled the United States to assume the controversial role of
“global policeman” rebuilding war-damaged societies and containing
communist expansion. By the end of the 1950s, as the gap grew bigger
between the victor states of WWII, approximately 1 million American
troops and family members resided on overseas bases in the world.
In his book “Nemesis: The Last Days of American Republic”, Chalmers
Johnson draws the framework how United States turned into an Empire
in the post-cold war era from the point of its military bases spread
out all over the world. In order to perceive the justification of
the US bases in Romania and Bulgaria, it will be useful to give some
details of these bases that sum up to a number of 735 with the
figures of Pentagon. According to Johnson, the interesting point is
that there are 38 large and medium sized military facilities –mostly
air and naval bases, spread all over the globe and this is almost
the same number of British Empire’s 36 naval bases and army
garrisons at the very beginning of 20th century. If we go one step
backwards, we face almost the same numbers (37) of Roman Empire at
its most glorious days in the 2nd century AD. It seems that the
principles of geo-strategic realm for world supremacy do not change
a lot and the optimum number of major citadels and fortresses to
dominate the world is somewhere between thirty-five and forty. The
worldwide total of U.S. military personnel including those based
domestically, is 1,840,000 supported by an additional 473,000
Defense Department civil service employees and 203,000 local hires.
The overseas bases contain 32,327 barracks, hangars, hospitals, and
other buildings and 16,527 more that are leased. The size of these
holdings are recorded in the inventory as covering 687,347 acres
overseas and 29,819,492 acres worldwide, making the Pentagon easily
one of the world's largest landlords.
WHY DO US NEED BASES IN BALKANS
Balkans have been the most volatile and troublesome part of
Europe particularly after the dissolution of Ottoman Empire starting
in 19th century. And afterwards, Balkans has been a non-coherent
region in economic, political and cultural senses and parallel to
the demise of Soviet Union, Russian influence has decreased whilst
the western influence has increased gradually. In the first couple
years of the new millennia, US and EU proved reasonable efforts to
integrate Eastern Europe and Balkan countries with NATO and EU. In
year 2004 together with other 5 countries, Romania and Bulgaria
joined the NATO which was the largest growth in NATO history.
Actually these two countries were spending huge efforts to join both
NATO and EU since the end of cold war, and as a solid indication of
their intention, from the very beginning they supported the US
operations in Iraq and Afghanistan with no reservations contrary to
some of other states in Europe. As we clearly see in the official
statements of the leaders of both countries they foresee the future
of their countries in integration with political, economic, societal,
cultural and military aspects with the West. In addition, the two
countries' elites perceive U.S. assistance as crucial to enhance
their economic transition into market capitalism and they hope that
ber strategic ties with Washington will pave the way to further
economic and financial cooperation and to an increase in U.S.
investment.
From a military point of view, it is easy to justify the
requirements of these bases. According to US military authorities
the 20th century military philosophy that mass equals commitment is
not true in the 21st century and the important thing is not the size
of the force you have, but what you can do with it and the aim is to
make the forces strategically more effective and agile. The
American forces in Europe will be in three types of bases. The first
type is main operating bases, installations like Ramstein Air Base,
Germany, and U.S. Naval Station Rota, Spain. These bases will remain
hubs and have American forces assigned to them. The second are
called forward-operating sites that are called "light-switch
operations" meaning all troops arriving have to do is turn the
lights on and operations can proceed. Examples of these bases are
Camp Bondsteel in Kosovo, Camp Eagle in Bosnia, and Incirlik Air
Base in Turkey. The bases established in Bulgaria and Romania are
also the same type. The third type of bases is called a cooperative
security site that could be as small as a fueling agreement or as
complicated as a few American contractors ensuring facilities ready
for US troops to operate. Within this context, the security
challenges for Europe no longer lie to the east but to the south and
southeast. The orientation of NATO towards the Middle East and
Africa requires forces that can deploy quickly using a combination
of inter-theater aircraft, sealift, and rail movement. Given the
volatility of these outlying regions, deployment times must be
measured in days, not weeks. Turkey, Greece, Romania, and Bulgaria
appear best sited for power projection posture to the Middle East,
whereas Italy, France, and Spain provide superb access to the
Mediterranean Basin and Africa.
US BASES IN ROMANIA
In December 2005 an agreement signed by Romania and the
United States on the activities of the American forces stationed on
the Romanian territory that assigns four locations for the U.S.
troops, namely the army ranges at Cincu, Smardan and Babadag as well
as the Mihail Kogalniceanu airfield. The total personnel number will
be 1700 and the units will be named as Jont Task Force-East (JTF-E).
The Cincu range covers 104 sq km and the location benefits from
nearly 100 km of roads which is authorized for carrying out tactical
applications involving firing live ammunition by infantry companies
and battalions, artillery battery and division. Shootings can also
be made from all types of launchers and by aviation as well as by
helicopters as tests conducted by the plants manufacturing weapons
and ammunition.The Smardan army range, is located in the eastern
Galati county and it covers 8,500 hectares and can accommodate 600
persons. The Smardan range is used for training shooting by infantry
and tanks, artillery groups, special shooting from heavy infantry
weapons, training for launching offensive and defensive grenades,
shooting from the chemical troops' weapons, shooting at ground
targets from helicopters and planes, bombing from warplanes for
horizontal and vertical targets.The Babadag range is located in the
eastern Tulcea county, covering 2,700 hectares and able to
accommodate 250 persons. It can host live ammunition shooting by
infantry and tank companies, by artillery sub-units, special
shooting from heavy infantry weapons, launching of offensive and
defensive grenades, and shooting at ground targets from helicopter-
and plane weapons. The Mihail Kogalniceanu airfield is 3,500 meters
long and 45 meters wide and it has a concrete runway. The MK base
can accommodate 900 persons and has the required facilities for the
flight management and administrative management, buildings for the
personnel accommodation and offices, hangars for the airplanes and
warehouses.
US BASES IN BULGARIA
In April 2006, Bulgaria and U.S. signed an agreement for the
use of several military facilities on Bulgarian territory. The U.S.
military units deployed to Bulgaria will be known as Joint Task
Force-East similar to Romania according to the Defense Cooperation
Agreement between the United States and Bulgaria. Following bases
will be allocated to US forces.
Bezmer Air Base in Yambol Province;
Novo Selo Shooting Range (NSTA) in Sliven Province;
Aitos Logistics Center in Burgas Province; and
Graf Ignatievo Air Base - LBPG in Plovdiv Province.
Under the agreement, no more than 2,500 U.S. military personnel will
be located at the joint military facilities. Most training rotations
will have small numbers and will be of short duration. Possible
types of units are armor, mechanized infantry, airborne infantry or
light infantry. The type of equipment they will use will depend on
the unit and the training requirements. The treaty also allows the
US to use the bases "for missions in third country without a
specific authorization from Bulgarian authorities," The Bezmer Air
Base is expected to become one of the major US strategic airfields
overseas, housing American combat aircraft.
REACTIONS TO US BASES IN EASTERN EUROPE
High level military and civilian officials in both Romania
and Bulgaria have repeatedly asserted on the importance of this
military cooperation. They comment that, this agreement will add
value to the strategic level security because of the commitment of
US to both countries. They also declare that this strategic
partnership with the US is a strategic investment for their
countries and will adequately encounter new risks and security
threats for the future.
On the other hand, some European authorities, particularly the
leaders of left-wing political parties, assert that the U.S.
military bases in Bulgaria and Romania intend enhancing the U.S.
potential to interfere in the developments in Balkans, the entire
south of Europe and the Mediterranean in a way, contradicting the
security and economic interests of Europe. They are simultaneously
intended to provide a new instrument to the U.S. hegemonic policies
in the Middle East and the Gulf, which is a key offender of the
centers of tension and the alarming humanitarian crises in the
region, as well as of the explosion of terrorism, spreading
worldwide. On the other hand, growing U.S. efforts, in order to
achieve a monopoly control over the Middle East natural resources,
represent a serious menace to the European and Mediterranean
security. Russia particularly shows a good deal of reaction not only
to the bases in these two countries but also to the missile defense
systems deployed to Poland and Czech Republic, saying that US and EU
are using diplomatic and informational cover to hide their real
plans. Russian officials state that despite their closing the bases
in Vietnam and Cuba, West and NATO keep going one way and this may
initiate an arms race in ballistic missile systems and force them to
make certain decisions.
CONCLUSIONS
As expected, the positive trend in political and strategic
relations between the U.S. and the two southeastern European
countries of Romania and Bulgaria are continuing and the
post-communist elites in both countries have proved more
enthusiastic and an eager response in supporting U.S. policy in the
region. This initiative in establishing U.S. military presence in
the two countries signals the consolidation of the new American
geo-strategic initiative in the Black Sea region and will have
important consequences for the European Union and U.S.-Russian
relations. Moreover, it also confirms that Washington now seeks
small, flexible bases for the possible deployment of forces in
Europe, instead of Cold War-style bigger, permanent facilities. This
is precisely why Romania and Bulgaria are considered ideal partners
by Washington and the Black Sea region provides excellent power
projection towards the heart of the Middle East, Caucasus and
Balkans. It is also the region which connects the Caspian Sea oil-
and gas-rich zone with the eastern Mediterranean Sea, an area of
crucial importance for the European Union's energy needs. In this
respect, the military superiority of US in Black sea region is vital
for the global position of the US. In case US consolidates its
position in Black Sea region it will surely possess some
opportunities such as; increasing its role in Caucasus, new
opportunities on Georgia and Armenia, availability of initiating new
policies on Turkey, and consequently an increasing influence on
Turkish straits.
Among the statements welcoming the US military presence in Balkans
and Black Sea region, following words of President Basescu of
Romania are the most interesting ones. He says; "It is clear that
the United States seems to be more interested by the instability in
the Black Sea area than the Europeans are. They have already
understood the importance of the Black Sea for the security of
Europe." This statement signals that the leaders of Black Sea and
Balkan countries may show positive attitudes for further US
involvement in the Black Sea region. The position of Turkey and the
cooperation among Turkey, Russia and other countries in the Black
Sea region and the peripheral states is very important for the
stability in the region. In last decade, Turkey’s foreign policy
cornerstones are also being tested by international role players in
order to acquire some benefits and interests based on Turkey’s
geo-strategic location.
The decision makers in Turkey should keep in mind that the balance
established on Black Sea and Turkish Straits is a vital cornerstone
for the security not only of the country, but also for the region
and future relations with Balkan and Black-Sea states, and Turkey
has no luxury to attempt any step to deviate from its traditional
stable foreign affair policies. In this respect, Montreux Convention
is one vital factor to preserve the interests of coastal states to
Black Sea, and also to abstain from being a potential area for any
future conflicts in its periphery such as Balkans and Caucasus.
Turkey, with its unique geostrategic position sitting at the heart
of these three geographic locations has managed to become a
peninsula of peace and stabilization throughout the cold war era.
Based on the principles of Lausanne Treaty, Turkey has succeeded the
Montreux convention to the favor of coastal states, particularly of
Turkey and Russia. History taught us that stability and peace in the
region is based on the balance established on the principles of
lessons learned throughout the history, and concessions given to
foreign powers at strategic level for some economic and military
interests may turn out to be a challenge for peace and security in
Black Sea region for coming years.
Ljubljana, 23 January 2009
International Institute for Middle-East
and Balkan Studies (IFIMES) – Ljubljana
Directors:
Bakhtyar Aljaf
Zijad Bećirović, M.Sc.
|

|
|





Language Codes
DOWNLOAD
BOGUMILS
as Inspiration


|