

Ing. Salih CAVKIC
orbus editor in chief


Murray Hunter
University Malaysia Perlis

Perpetual Self conflict: Self
awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of
entrepreneurial opportunities.
Murray Hunter

The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies
Murray Hunter

There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts
entrepreneurially
Murray Hunter

Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter

Generational Attitudes and Behaviour - Murray Hunter

The environment as a multi-dimensional system: Taking off your rose
coloured glasses
- Murray Hunter

Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of
imagination we use - Murray Hunter

Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter

Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of
entrepreneurial opportunity -
Murray Hunter

The Evolution of Business Strategy
- Murray Hunter

How motivation really works - Murray Hunter

Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? -
Murray Hunter

The
five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter

Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter

How
we create new ideas - Murray Hunter

How emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter

People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter

One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison
- Murray Hunte

Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia?
- Murray Hunter

What’s
with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter

Integrating
the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization - Murray Hunter

Samsara and the Organization - Murray Hunter

Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter

Knowledge,
Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter

On Some of the Misconceptions about
Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter

How feudalism hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t
equal opportunity a basic human right? - Murray Hunter

The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business
Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter

Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter

The Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray
Hunter - University Malaysia Perlis

Elite
educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while deluded about the
realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: - Murray Hunter

Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation
Era - Murray Hunter

Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails
to start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter

From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the
automobile - Murray Hunter

ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation
to transform their economies but are doing little about it.
- Murray Hunter

Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames -
Murray Hunter

Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter

Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter

Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" - The ongoing RBA
bribery scandal - Murray Hunter

Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian
governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship
creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter

Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie
PM says "Enough is enough with the US" -
Murray Hunter

|
Vietnamese
Australians’ Community: Realities and Prospect
By Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan,
Assoc. Prof.[1]
Abstract
The Vietnamese arrival and integration into
Australia represents a quintessential case of cultures in collision.
In 1975 there were only about 1,000
people born in Vietnam living in Australia. Over nearly the next
forty years the community grew to over two hundred and fifty
thousand members. Before 1975 Vietnam and Australia barely knew each
other – except through the prism of the American War. By 2012 the
Second and even the Third Generations were a significant part of
Australian political, economic and cultural life. The Vietnamese
were used as the trigger for the end of the bi-partisanship on
multiculturalism at the end of the 1970s, were implicated in the
rising paranoia about unsafe cities in the 1980s, and centrally
embroiled in the emergence of a politics of race in the 1990s. The
article will analyze the Vietnamese Australians’ contribution to
Commonwealth of Australia and Vietnam
in terms of economic development, multiracial and
multicultural society as well as contribution to promotion of the
comprehensive partnership relationship between Vietnam and Australia
at present. The article will analyze current problems of the
Vietnamese Australian Community and suggest measures to overcome
these problems. The article will also forecast the prospect of
Vietnamese Australian Community in Australia in the future and
propose some suggestions to improve the role as well as status of
Vietnamese Australians in Australia and Vietnam.
Introduction
A Vietnamese Australian is an
Australian, either born in
Vietnam or having Vietnamese ancestors.
These people make up the community of Vietnamese Australians and
contribute significantly to both the Australian and Vietnamese
economies as well as the comprehensive partnership relationship
between the two countries. The circumstance behind the establishment
of this community, however, was anything but without incidents.
In 1975 Vietnam was liberated from the US-backed Saigon regime. The
new united Vietnam, christened the Socialist Republic of Vietnam was
then established. Since then, particularly between 1975 and 1990,
many people who worked for the South Vietnam government left Vietnam
to reside abroad, including in Australia. According to the 1991
National Census, there were 124,800 people born in Vietnam residing
in Australia and in 2001 there were 154,000. In 2011 this figure
rose to 185,000. In the same year there were 219,000 people who
spoke Vietnamese at home.[2]
The greatest proportion of Vietnamese Australians lives in Sydney
(with strong vibrant communities in Sydney’s west and south west)
and Melbourne although many of the second generation now live
throughout Australia. The social mix of the refugees included people
from all professions and walks of life in Vietnam which is reflected
in today’s Vietnamese Australian communities. Mahayana Buddhism is
the main religion of the community, followed by Christianity both
Catholic and Protestant. The main festivals observed by Vietnamese
Australians include Tet Nguyen Dan, the Lunar (or Chinese) New Year,
and Tet Trung Thu (the Mid-Autumn Festival).
The article will analyze the Vietnamese Australians’ contribution to
the Commonwealth of Australia and Vietnam in terms of economic
development, the forging of a multiracial and multicultural society
as well as the promotion of the comprehensive partnership
relationship between Vietnam and Australia. The article will analyze
the current problems of the Vietnamese Australian Community and
suggest measures to overcome these problems. The article will also
forecast the prospect of Vietnamese Australian Community in
Australia in the future and propose some suggestions to improve the
role and status of Vietnamese Australians in both Australia and
Vietnam.
1. Australia and Her Immigration Policy Towards Asian
Refugees
Being a unique country created in a unique historical
background, the nature of Australian nationalism and nation building
has been considerably debated.
Australia was a colonial society generated in the period of the
great imperialist competitions of the nineteenth century, having
then accepted modern nationhood while still responding to the
imperial imperatives of Great Britain. This colonial past has
resulted in two unresolved consequences: The first
of these imperatives remains the effective
subjugation of the original nations, and their incorporation into
each of the three subsystems. Much of contemporary debate about
Indigenous issues reflects the “unfinished business” – both for the
empire project and the people subject to it. The second
imperative is the defence of the original imperial
peoples against competing external empires (understood as cultural
systems rather than militarily driven state invasions). They are
both different faces of the Australian empire project: (i) the
successful imposition in a new land of a cultural, political and
economic system; (ii) and that system privileges and secures the
interests of the colonizing peoples. The strategy has been presented
as multiculturalism (since about 1975) and has sought to suppress
the racial nature of Australian nationhood, through assertions of
commitments to modern values of equality in cultural relations, and
capacity to contribute to economic development in immigration
policies.[3]
By 1966 under the Prime Minister Holt Edward (Liberal),
Australia had signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Racial Discrimination. Educated, English-speaking Asians
were being accepted – reflecting the idea of orientation to
modernity as the organizing principle around which race could be
reduced as a criterion of population selection. A modernizing nation
would accept modernized populations, as they were expected to share
values of democracy and economic productivity, and be bearers of
significant stores of human capital (created by the investment by
their states of origin). The new ALP government in 1973 withdrew all
racial references in the Immigration Act, expecting that the
modernity model of non-White immigration would continue as the norm.
Indeed, a central ideological tenet of global modernity was created
for this purpose, the concept of multiculturalism and its
programmatic implementation.
Initially the Australian government under Prime Minister
Gough Whitlam[4]
was reluctant to get involved with the inflow of Asian refugees in
spite of the aforementioned convention. Yet the arrival of the
fishing boat KG4435 at a wharf in Darwin in April 1976 during the
next government led by Malcolm Fraser meant that there had to be
actions to take. The boat was the first sign of what had been
happening throughout Southeast Asia, and soon it became a problem
faced by every Australian government thereafter.
Fraser’s government's solution was to broker a deal with
the Asian countries of first refuge. The goal was twofold: To take
the refugee problem off public attention, yet at the same time
manage their arrival so as not to interfere with the Australian
national interest and integrity. The government proposed that if the
countries would no longer refuel the boats and send them towards the
undefended north Australian coHowever, the Australian government
would choose those refugees it wanted in relation to their ‘fit’
with Australian priorities – thus attempting to sustain the
modernity framework for population intake (and, in the process,
minimize those with disabilities etc. who might be a long term cost
to Australia). This became, more or less, a framework for later
governments in dealing with refugee issues that persists until
today.
Once
the first wave of refugees had been contained and a system found to
process them, Australia sought ways to manage the continuing
pressures. This period is marked by two contradicting views of the
two Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and John Howard. Prime Minister Bob
Hawke argued that if the outsiders (refugees) are seen as
strengthening the depth of the cultural resources of the community,
the level of perceived threat to Australia is reduced. Criminal
deviance can then be seen as a minority activity, requiring normal
social control strategies, rather than reflecting the essential
differences between communities, or defining the core of the culture
of the “Others”. On the contrary, in the late 1980s, John Howard as
an opposition leader considered the outsiders as a threat to social
cohesion.
This duality, at its root, represents the real issue with white (or
previously settled) Australian's view on Vietnamese refugees and the
subsequent community. Given the insecurities and prejudice deeply
rooted in history, how the “existing population” views the
“newcomers” will play an important role in defining how well they
would fit into the new society and their social roles in the years
thereafter.
As social cohesion and the formation of a modern,
internally consistent and stable Australia began to be called into
question, the position of the Vietnamese community once again was
the target of much debate. The gist of the modern Australian Empire
Project is the creation of an Australia that can compete with
nations in the world on equal footing while maintaining an advanced,
progressive, democratic and developed society at home. To this goal,
social cohesion is key element. Previously, ever since the arrival
of the Vietnamese refugee community as a full-fledged ethnic group,
there have been many arguments to and for multiculturalism and their
role in promoting or undermining the Australian internal solidarity
and social cohesion. At that time, these arguments were based more
on cultural and social grounds than economic.
The argument involving social cohesion was extended to economic
grounds in the wake of the proposal from Monash University’s Centre
for Population and Urban Research. It stated that the Vietnamese
were forming part of an emerging structural underclass. As it
happened, the Vietnamese community in Sydney, whose composition
consisted of a large portion of ‘recent migrants who lack the skills
to compete in the contemporary labour market’ was found to be
contributing to the sedimentation of poverty. The polarization of
income groups had accelerated from 1976 to 1991, and intensified
over the next five years. This period paralleled the rise in
Vietnamese immigration; the impact of this polarization was most
evident amongst the Vietnamese, and by implication may indeed have
been a consequence of their presence.
In sum, in that quarter century, a generation, a social revolution
had occurred in Australia: from a society with White Australia as a
recent and avowedly racist population selection policy, to an
egalitarian policy now avowedly non-racist; from a society in which
Asian faces were still extraordinary, to one where visible diversity
is everywhere; and from a society with little sense of non-European
cultures and traditions, to one where every Buddha’s birthday has
senior politicians lining up to be seen at Vietnamese temples.
2. Immigration Reality from Vietnam to Australia
The community of Vietnamese Australians was established by refugees
from the war in Vietnam and was the first large group of Asian
immigrants to settle in Australia after the end of the White
Australia policy in 1973. The migration of Vietnamese to Australia,
which has occurred mostly during the last 40 years, has two distinct
phases: (i) before Vietnam’s renovation policy with assisting
orphans pre-1975 and refugee resettlement during 1975–1985; (ii) and
after renovation policy with purpose of family reunions, since the
late 80s.
2.1. Immigration from Vietnam to Australia Before Renovation Policy
From 1958, Vietnamese students started to arrive in
Australia to study at universities under the Colombo Plan. Almost
all of these students returned to Vietnam after finishing their
courses. Meanwhile, Australia committed combat troops to the Vietnam
War in 1965. Later, many of these troops and other Australians
married Vietnamese people and brought them back to Australia.
Additionally, as a result of war there were over 800,000 orphans in
South Vietnam alone. Australian families adopted 537 Vietnamese
orphaned babies and infants between 1972 and 1975. This was the
beginning of the first wave of permanent Vietnamese migration to
Australia. In 1975 there were only about 1,000 people born in
Vietnam living in Australia consisting of 335 Colombo Plan students;
130 private Vietnamese students; and over 500 orphans adopted by
Australian families.
After the fall of Saigon Regime in 1975, Australia, being a
signatory to the “Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees”
agreed to resettle its share of Vietnam-born refugees under a
refugee resettlement plan between 1975 and 1985. In reality,
Australia accepted Vietnam War refugees and arrivals of Vietnamese
people increased rapidly. Once Prime Minister Fraser (from 11
November 1975 to 11 March 1983) had committed to taking the
Vietnamese refugees, he was able to call on a shared liberal value
set among his supporters in the Coalition, and the various
spokespeople for the ALP Opposition, to fuse a solid wall of
commitment to multiculturalism as the state ideology of
inter-communal relations. Under this approach there was little
argument about the Vietnamese policy at the level of parliamentary
debate – other than to stress the need for services and the
pressures to which government should respond.
The resettlement of Vietnamese refugees did not happen without
incidents. As refugees supported by the Australian government of the
time, they were largely resettled in localities around the large
migration centers. This is to say places like Cabramatta and
Fairfield (Sydney), where already a relatively large population of
previous immigrants – Yugoslavs, Italians, Russians, among others –
existed. Unlike other postwar refugee communities, however, the
Vietnamese community tended not to disperse from their initial place
of settlement. As a result, they became a significant, condensed
ethnic group in these localities, a fact that would fuel contention
and public fallout for years to come.
Of these Vietnamese refugees, who arrived in the immediate post-war
period, four main groups can be identified with different but in
some cases overlapping arrival times: (i) the first group, arriving
in 1975 was mostly elite Vietnamese, Chinese businessmen and
Catholics. This group happened right before and after the liberation
of South Vietnam; (ii) the second group arriving in 1976–78 was a
gradually increasing outflow of refugees from camps outside Vietnam.
In 1976 the first boat KG4435 arrived in Australia carrying refugees
who had by-passed formal immigration procedures . Desperate to find
a new home, they were accepted as immigrants on humanitarian grounds
(see Table 1). Within three years a further 53 refugee boats had
arrived; (iii) the third group, arriving in 1978, were mostly owners
of private businesses, especially Chinese. Many of the boats that
began to arrive in Australia had been refueled in Malaysia and then
sent on their way. In addition, many of these refugees were not in
fact boat people – but rather people being processed through refugee
camps; (iv) The fourth group were so called ‘economic refugees’,
mostly small traders, rural and urban workers and the unemployed.
These left Vietnam during the socio-economic turmoil of the 1980s
searching for a better life elsewhere and for the most parts weren't
fueled by political reasons.
Table 1: Vietnamese Population in Australia, 1976-2001
Census Year |
Born in Vietnam |
% change |
The second generation |
Speak Vietnamese |
% change |
% Australia- born speaking
Vietnamese |
1976 |
2,427 |
|
|
|
|
|
1981 |
41,096 |
|
|
n/a |
|
|
1986 |
83,028 |
100 |
|
n/a |
|
|
1991 |
121,813 |
50 |
25,151 |
110,817 |
|
16 |
1996 |
150,941 |
25 |
46,756 |
146,265 |
30 |
26 |
2001 |
154,831 |
3 |
n/a |
174,236 |
20 |
n/a |
Source: Andrew Jakubowicz,
A Quintessential Collision:
Vietnamese in Australia after a generation of settlement and
adaptation, University of Technology Sydney, May 2004.
After the
initial intake of refugees in the late 1970s, there was a second
immigration peak in 1983-84, most likely a result of the 1982
agreement between the Australian and Vietnamese governments on the
Orderly Departure Program (ODP), which allowed relatives of
Vietnamese Australians to leave Vietnam and migrate to Australia.
This means that ODP emphasized family reunion, and two-thirds of
arrivals over the next few years were women. Then the first
immigrants from Vietnam under this program arrived in Australia in
1982. Within a few years the Vietnam-born population of Australia
would again double. A third immigration peak in the late 1980s seems
to have been mainly due to Australia's family reunion scheme. At the
1981 census, there were 41,096 people born in Vietnamese in
Australia, a very large increase from the 1976 level (see Table 1).
2.2 Vietnamese Immigration to Australia Since Renovation Policy
(1986)
In 1986 the Vietnamese government committed to the Doi Moi
(renovation) Policy, liberalizing the market and undertaking
structural reforms needed to modernize the economy and produce more
competitive, export-driven industries. The July 1989 International
Conference adopted a Comprehensive Plan of Action that would have
the effect of reducing the acceptance rate, increasing delays, and
leaving about 40,000 rejected applicants in camps who refused to go
back to Vietnam. In the wake of this situation the boats began to
arrive again, with about 2,000 Indochinese arriving between 1989 and
1995, though the Vietnamese were few in numbers. The situation they
faced had changed dramatically from what was before. These arrivals
were now detained in camps in remote parts of Australia, facing
arduous checks on their bona fides. When a couple walked out of one
camp in 1992, security was intensified, based on a supposition that
all unauthorized arrivals might seek to escape from lawful custody.
All unauthorized arrivals, therefore and thereon, had to be interned
under high security.
However, from the late 1980s Australia's family reunion program was
officially applied, called the ‘Vietnamese Family Migration Program’
(VFMP). Over 90,000 refugees were processed and entered Australia
during this time. By the 1990s, the number of Vietnam-born migrating
to Australia had surpassed the number entering as refugees. Between
1991 and 1993, the percentage of Vietnam-born migrants had reached
77% of the total intake of Vietnam-born arriving in Australia. By
1996 Vietnamese immigration had effectively ceased – tough new rules
on family reunion made by the Howard government (from 11 March 1996)
meant that there was a net increases of less than 4,000 over the
1996-2001 census period. Meanwhile the community was reflecting many
of the characteristics of a mature group: for instance, by 2001 over
one in four Vietnamese speakers was Australian born, while in 1996,
86% of Vietnamese had adopted Australian citizenship; and by 2000,
the percentage of Vietnam-born migrants had climbed to 98%. In
2001-2002, 1,919 Vietnam-born migrants and 44 humanitarian entrants
settled in Australia (see Figure 1).
In the 2001 census, the 155,000 people of Vietnamese ancestry were
first or second generation Australians; first generation Australians
of Vietnamese ancestry outnumbered second generation Australians
with Vietnamese ancestry (74%: 26%). Relatively few people of
Vietnamese ancestry stated another ancestry (6%). Among the leading
ancestries, the proportion of people who spoke a language other than
English at home was highest for those of Vietnamese (96%). At the
2006 census, 173,663 Australian residents declared themselves to be
of Vietnamese ancestry.
Figure 1: Number of permanent settlers arriving in Australia from
Vietnam since 1991 (monthly)

Australian Bureau of Statistics, Canberra 2012
In more recent years the vast majority of Vietnamese
migrants have come to Australia through the Family Stream although
there are growing numbers of skilled migrants. Permanent migration
refers to the number of visas granted in any given year, without
taking into account whether the visa recipient actually arrived and
settled in Australia. In 2012-13, 30% of permanent visas granted to
Vietnamese nationals were skilled visas, up from 17 per cent in
2009–10. A total of 5,339 Vietnamese nationals were granted a
permanent visa through Australia’s Migration Programme in 2012–13,
with the Family Stream accounting for 70% of visas granted. Of
permanent migration, skilled migration focuses on facilitating the
permanent entry of those who can make a positive contribution to
Australia through their skills, qualifications, entrepreneurial
spirit and employment potential. In 2012–13: (i) among the 128 & 973
skilled visas were granted, Vietnamese nationals accounted for 1.2%
(1,592 grants) of the total. Compared to 2011–12, skilled visas
granted to Vietnamese nationals rose by 49%. This represented an
overall rise of 136% since 2009−10 and the highest on the record.
Much of this recent growth can be explained by a large increase in
Employer Sponsorship, from 392 grants in 2011–12 to 898 grants in
2012−13, a 129% increase; (ii) Skilled visas granted to Vietnamese
nationals accounted for nearly one-third (30%) of all permanent
visas granted. While this share is low compared to most other
countries it has increased from a share of 17% in 2009−10. Vietnam
moved back to 15th position as source of skilled migrants in 2012–13
after falling to 19th in 2011−12; (iii) Points Tested Skilled
Migration accounted for 34% of all skilled visas issued to
Vietnamese nationals. Accountants, cooks and software and
applications programmers were among the main occupations for new
Points Tested Skilled Migration visa holders.
In addition, family migration facilitates the entry of close family
members of Australian citizens, permanent residents and eligible New
Zealand citizens. The programme is currently dominated by partners
and dependent children, but also provides options for other family
members, such as Carers, Parents and Aged Dependent Relatives. In
2012–13: (i) 60 cases of 185 family visas were granted, with grants
to Vietnamese nationals accounting for 6.2% (3,716 grants) of the
total. This made Vietnam the fifth largest provider of Family
migrants to Australia; (ii) permanent family visas granted through
the Migration Programme were 2.7% higher, but for Vietnamese
nationals they were only increased by 0.8%: (iii) the Family Stream
accounted for 7 in 10 permanent visas granted to Vietnamese
Nationals - 73% of visas granted in this stream were to partners of
an Australian resident.
Permanent additions are the sum of those granted a permanent
residency visa while in Australia and those granted a visa through
an Australian mission abroad, who has entered Australia during the
respective reporting period. In 2012–13, there were 5,940
Vietnam-born permanent additions to the Australian resident
population. Among these new additions there are: (i) Skill Stream
comprising 750 skilled migrants and 784 accompanying family members
and accounted for 26% of all permanent additions; (ii) Family
Stream, made up of 4087 migrants and accounted for 69% of all
permanent additions; (iii) Non-programme Vietnamese-born New Zealand
citizens account for 2.9% of all permanent additions (se Figure 1).
Apart form that, he subclass 457 visa programme allows Australian
employers to sponsor foreign workers for employment in management,
professional, technical and skilled trades’ positions. The programme
is demand-driven and highly responsive to Australian labour market
conditions. In 2012–13 demand for this visa remained high and
increased from 125,070 in 2011–12 to 126,350 – an 86% rise since
2009–10: (i) In 2012–13, 1310 subclass 457 visas were granted to
Vietnamese nationals – 115% higher than 2011–12 and 245% higher than
the number granted in 2009–10; (ii) Among the Vietnamese workers
sponsored under this programme, café and restaurant managers,
accountants and cooks were the main occupation for which Australian
employers recruited from abroad.
By the end of 2013, there were 215,000 people born in Vietnam were
resident in Australia and over 250,000 people speaking Vietnamese at
home. This is equivalent to 3.5% of Australia’s overseas-born
population . There may additionally be persons of Vietnamese descent
born in Australia, or of arguably non-Vietnamese ancestries (such as
Cantonese) born in Vietnam. About 0.9% of the Australian resident
population was born in Vietnam. Today the Vietnam-born represent the
fifth largest migrant community in Australia behind the United
Kingdom (mainly from England and Scotland), New Zealand, China, and
Italy, and after the United States of America, Australia is the
second most common destination for Vietnamese migrants.
2.3 The Advantages and Disadvantages of Vietnamese Australian
Community
Vietnamese Australians vary in income and social class levels.
Vietnam-born Australians are highly represented in Australian
universities and many professions (particularly as information
technology workers, engineers, doctors and pharmacists), while other
members in the community are subject to high unemployment rates.
As the Vietnamese presence continued to grow (no longer primarily
refugees but ODP immigrants), the normalizing of the population
change process intensified local antagonisms. The popular press made
much of what was seen as an emerging crime problem, though in 1987,
it was found that the situation was much less fearsome than the
public discourse might suggest.
For instance, Vietnamese minors were 50% less likely to offend than
the community norm; unaccompanied minors were even less likely to
offend; while the rate was rising it was still very much lower than
the community norm. Vietnamese had a much lower violent crime rate:
drug offences in 1987 were 75% of the norm; and the suburbs in which
the Vietnamese were concentrated had less crime than before their
arrival.
Even so, youth crime became the trope through which the fears about
social cohesion were voiced. However, since 2000, the vast majority
of Vietnamese migrants to Australia came through the Family Stream
(although there have been growing numbers of skilled migrants). The
income of this group is more than the average rate of the Vietnamese
Australian community.
Over three-quarters of people born in Vietnam live in New South
Wales (39%) and Victoria (37%) (see Table 2). In Melbourne the
suburbs of Richmond, Footscray, Springvale, Sunshine and St Albans
have a significant proportion of Vietnamese-Australians,
while in Sydney they are concentrated in Bankstown, Cabramatta,
Canley Vale and Fairfield. Other places of significant Vietnamese
presence include Brisbane, where many have settled in suburbs like
Darra and Inala. For most of the decade after 1986, the focus was on
the Vietnamese communities of Sydney and Melbourne.
Table 2: National geographical distribution, by Vietnamese-born and
Vietnamese nationals (%)
National geographic
distribution |
NSW |
Vic. |
Qld |
SA |
WA |
Tas |
NT |
ACT |
Proportion of all persons
counted in the Census, 2011 |
30 |
25 |
20 |
7 |
10 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
Proportion of all
Vietnamese-born counted in the Census, 2011 |
39 |
37 |
9 |
6 |
7 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
Geographical distribution,
permanent additions, 2012−13 |
|
Skill Stream (primary) |
23 |
27 |
27 |
10 |
10 |
0 |
1 |
2 |
Skill Stream (dependent) |
17 |
19 |
42 |
11 |
8 |
0 |
1 |
1 |
Geographical distribution,
temporary entrants, 2012−13 |
|
International students |
30 |
45 |
10 |
5 |
6 |
0 |
0 |
2 |
Temporary Work (Skilled)
(subclass 457) visa (primary) |
39 |
20 |
18 |
4 |
16 |
0 |
1 |
3 |
Permanent departure |
|
All Vietnamese-born permanent
resident |
57 |
21 |
8 |
2 |
9 |
0 |
1 |
2 |
Source: Information on migrants has come from internal data
collected by the Department of Immigration and Border Protection.
Information on the geographical distribution of the total population
was sourced from the 2011 Census of Population and Housing.
Of particular note, Vietnamese Australians have an
exceptionally low rate of return migration to Vietnam. In December
2001, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) estimated
that there were 3,950 Australian citizens resident in Vietnam. It is
not clear what proportion of this number are returned emigrants with
Australian citizenship or their Vietnamese Australian children, and
what number are simply other Australians in Vietnam for business or
other reasons. The greater proportion (3,000) was recorded in the
south of the country. What this means, among others, is that the
community of Vietnamese Australians is relatively stable – they have
come to stay for the rest of their lives.
3. Vietnamese Australian Community’s Contribution to
Commonwealth of
Australia and Vietnam
3.1. Role of
the Vietnamese Australians to Economic Development and Multiracial
Society of Australia
Today over 250.000 Australians are Vietnam-born, a mix of Viet and
Chinese ethnicities, of which 25% are white collar professionals,
whilst 28% work in transport, production and laboring. They enjoy
strong community networks, and make a distinctive cultural
contribution to Australian life and commerce. Features of
Australia’s Vietnamese-born migrants are as follows: (i) The median
age of 42.8 years was 5.5 years above that of the general Australian
population; (ii) Females slightly outnumbered males - 53% compared
with 47%; (iii) In August 2013, their labour force participation
rate of 61% was slightly below the national average of around 65%;
(iv) The unemployment rate at August 2013 was 7.8% - this is higher
than average and above the national rate of 5.8%; (v) In August
2013, 107 000 Vietnam-born people were working in Australia. Their
main occupations were labourers (19%), technicians and trade workers
(15%) and professionals (14%).
The arrival of the Vietnamese refugees and the culture clash and
social paranoia that ensued as a result thereof was an unfortunate,
yet natural, course when two wildly differing peoples made contact
so suddenly, as has been examined in the above section. Yet more
fascinating still is the growth of said community between the first
arrival and present day. From 1975 until now, the Vietnamese
community in Australia grew from near-nonexistence to a 250
thousand-strong ethnic minority. With this growth came an
accompanying identity, which, in and of itself, contributed in many
ways to the socio-political scene of the host country.
As a result, by 2012 the second generation was a significant part of
Australian political, economic and cultural life. Today there are
Vietnamese newspapers, a community literary and cultural website as
well as radio stations and regular SBS television programs.
Vietnamese community organizations thrive and are involved in
community development, advocacy and social work. Community members
play an increasing role in local government as well as
representation in the Upper Houses of Australian states. Vietnamese
Australians are also well represented in the arts and the
professions.
A far larger portion of Vietnamese are less successful, but do
contribute to Australian society in their own ways. Many Vietnamese
set up their own businesses, often working hard to put their
children through school and university. Vietnamese small businesses
gradually transformed streetscapes in suburbs like Richmond and
Springvale into vibrant, restaurant and retail centers. Those who
participate in these works do so mostly for survival. They have a
long history of being overworked and underpaid until the Australian
social activist community began to take action supporting their
interest. The result of these social movements is doubtful at best:
The report found large numbers of Vietnamese workers still working
for low pay, often being defrauded and suffering from exhaustion. 27
For whatever motives, the contribution was made: their income was
vital to the family, and the work often involved all the family.
Thus, Vietnamese workers and their families have played a crucial
part in the survival of many industries, particularly the Australian
clothing one, literally sacrificing themselves in the work
(suffering repetition and other injuries) so that their children can
stay at high school, and successfully go on to university. The
mentality behind this act of apparent sacrifice will be discussed in
the following section.
All these achievements stand testimony to the fact that the
Vietnamese Australian community has gone a long way by any
standards. There are a number of factors affecting this interaction
process as follows:
First, there is the political climate of the time. It was a
stormy ride for the fledgling community since day one: They have
constantly been used, positively or otherwise, in such political
movements and upheavals as the real end of White Australia in the
late 1970s. In the early 1980s their presence was again used as
evidence in support of the abandonment of bi-partisanship on
multiculturalism. In the following decade the community was
centrally embroiled in the emergence of a politics of race in the
1990s, providing case studies for the vehement demagoguery of the
One Nation party and their allies, while also providing widespread
support for Australia’s first significant antiracist political
party, Unity.
To this end, the Vietnamese Community in Australia has contributed
to and revealed the deep instability of the Australian empire
project, yet has also highlighted its resilience and capacity to
adapt to and incorporate potential threats. Whether or not these
incidents were for the better or worse of the Vietnamese Australian
community, they have found themselves unwittingly at the eye of the
storm of change in the Australian political thoughts of the era.
Second, it is the coincidental affinity of the Vietnamese
culture with the pro-education, meritocratic environment of modern
Australia. The Vietnamese culture considers education and successes
in studies, one of the greatest values to be had. Within both
Buddhist and Catholic Vietnamese communities, there is an assertion
of the value of education, and a belief in the potential for
individuals to realize their aspirations through education. Such a
belief was rooted deeply in the history of the country, since the
time of the Vietnamese Imperial exams, the last of which was still
held towards the end of the Nguyen Dynasty. In an Australian
environment that encourages educational participation, in which a
globally focused modernity permeates elite and middle class
cultures, meritocratic rules of selection compete with racist
structures of exclusion. The Vietnamese dedication to academic
excellence, hence, has found an excellent thriving ground. It was no
surprising that a significant part of the Vietnamese community makes
it through these hurdles – although a marginalized minority fails to
do so. This also explains the degree of sacrifice Vietnamese
Australian parents have been undertaking for the education of their
children, as touched upon above.
Third, globalization of intellectual elites,
proliferation of modern ideas of self-actualization brought into
existence by the aforementioned high levels of education and
meritocracy. This seems to manifest in the drive for
self-actualization and the search for a new identity for themselves
among Vietnamese Australian of the second-generation and beyond.
Nowhere is this seen more clearly than during the Viet Pop
exhibition (mobilized by community arts worker Cuong Le) – the text
panel concludes with the words “the search for identity” is what
young Vietnamese Australians are.
Fourth Drawing on Victorian police reports, Vietnamese-born
offenders processed for all crimes increased by nearly 40% from 1993
to 1997 – compared with a state rise of about 2%. Violent crime fell
from about 350 offenders to 200, while drug offences rose from 220
to 1000. Apart from that, a Commonwealth Parliamentary inquiry in
1995 into Asian Organized Crime made particular reference to the
Vietnamese involvement in crime. In a detailed summary they
identified a range of claims by police and law enforcement bodies
across Australia, indicating that Vietnamese gangs were involved in
heroin importation, sales and distribution, extortion, and home
invasions. The concerns about the gangs in the Vietnamese community
were widely held, and fuelled the growing antipathy to the
community.
This factor cannot and should not be taken out of
context of the political difficulties mentioned above. The political
turmoil and rejections as well as the failure to cope with the
Australian environment has played a vital part in impoverizing and
driving to crime a part of the Vietnamese Australian youth. They
experience the strains too dramatically, and in their anomic
reactions find alternative pathways to seeking (usually not
successfully) economic success – often through crime as has
typically occurred in other societies for newer immigrant groups,
and in the past in Australia.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the Vietnamese have drawn a
fair amount of attention from social scientists and scholars
interested in the ways in which cultural interaction, adaptation and
change occur. They were refugees from a colonial society escaping
the aftermath of civil war, and entered a society that had been a
protagonist on one side of that war. Many in the host society had
hoped the war had been fought so that the population of Vietnam
would stay in their own country, while others had supported the
forces that won the war and triggered the exodus.
3.2
Role of the Vietnamese Australians to Economic Development of
Vietnam and Promotion
of Comprehensive
Partnership Relationship between Vietnam and Australia
Economic opportunity is a huge driver for emigration (particularly
among the educated). For this reason some 27.1% of Vietnam’s
tertiary-educated population live abroad. Despite solid and
continuing growth in Vietnam, economic development throughout the
country is uneven and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is
comparatively very low. This provides high incentives for Vietnamese
nationals to leave in the hope of better economic prospects in
countries like Australia, where on a purchasing power parity basis
GDP per capita is more than 10 times higher (see Table 3).
Table 3
Indicator |
Australia |
Vietnam |
Adult literacy (%) |
99.0 |
93.2 |
Fertility rates (children per
female) |
1.9 |
1.8 |
GDP per capita PPP (US$) |
44,074 |
3,750 |
Life expectancy at birth
(years) |
82.0 |
75.4 |
Mean years of schooling |
12.0 |
5.5 |
[34] |
0.938 |
0.617 |
Median age (years) |
36.9 |
28.2 |
Population (millions) |
22.9 |
89.7 |
Population growth (%) |
1.8 |
1.1 |
Source: Most data in this
table comes from the UNDP Human Development Report 2013, the CIA
World Fact book and, the International Monetary Fund, World Economic
Outlook Database April 2013. Data on the size, growth and median age
of Australia’s population was sourced from the Australian Bureau of
Statistics.
The Vietnamese Australian community, in that backdrop, is in a
unique position to impact on the economic development in Vietnam.
Equally uniquely are they qualified in aiding the comprehensive
partnership relationship between Vietnam and Australia. They have
many means at their disposal to these ends:
Firstly, they are a significant economic driver, expressed
through such channels as remittances, business and investment. There
are many commercial centres of Vietnamese throughout Australia. Most
notable is the contribution of the Vietnamese Australian Community’s
Entrepreneur Association, established with the support of Vietnam’s
Embassy in Australia. This Association with more than 200 members
was inaugurated on 3rd
July 2010 to support and assist the Vietnamese Australian
community’s entrepreneurs in undertaking business opportunities in
Australia and Vietnam as well as other countries in the world. They
have been making a positive contribution to the promotion of trade
between the two countries as well as the supporting of the
Vietnamese Australian business community.
With their economic capacity, the Vietnamese Australian business
people have been increasingly investing into Vietnam. This has
proven to be a growing source of remittances. According to World
Bank data, remittances into Vietnam were US$9 billion in 2011,
around seven times greater than in 2000 and equivalent to eight per
cent of Vietnam’s GDP, making Vietnam one of the top ten remittance
recipients. Remittances of the Vietnamese Australian community
accounted for about 25% of total remittances of overseas Vietnamese
all over the world. On average, remittances from Australia increase
by 10 – 15% per year, contributing to stabilizing Vietnam's
international balance of payment as well as socio-economic
development. In previous period, remittances were mainly for helping
families and relatives, but now this money is also used for business
and/or macroeconomic purposes: investments in industries,
contributions to poverty reduction and elimination, job creation and
local welfare guarantee.
Secondly, the Vietnamese Australian community possesses many
young, dynamic intellectuals with a lot of financial potentials,
business and management experiences as well as high educated
knowledge who have integrated into Australian societies. Through
their skills and integrity they have acquired and held many
political and economic positions in Australia and highly respected
by many. Mr. Hieu Van Le, Governor of South Australia State,
Chairman of the South Australian Multicultural and Ethnic Affairs
Commission is one exemplary person.
Thirdly, the Vietnamese Australians have become the important
bridge to help Vietnam expand bilateral relationship between Vietnam
and Australia. With their influences to various Australian
authorities, the Vietnamese Australians can promote economic, trade
and political relations between Vietnam and Australia, and mobilize
Australian support in international forums. This can be considered a
crucial factor contributing to the Vietnamese implementation of her
expanded foreign policies: diversified and multilateral foreign
relations policies, so as to contributing to national building and
defence. Moreover, the Vietnamese Australians have the unique
advantage of living and working in Australia and tend to have close
ties with other countries and peoples as a result of this.
Therefore, they are a real force to diffuse, popularize and
broadcast Vietnam’s culture, image of country and people to
Australia and the world through cultural festival, food and tourism
promotion, exhibition and trade fairs.
Fourthly,
the Vietnamese
Australian Community is also instrumental in protect the country
from hostile activities of the enemies. Nowadays, there are more
than 100 hostile organizations and groups including many in
Australia (such as Viet Tan) who used to be soldiers and officers of
the South Vietnam regime. They have ever been trying to contact
reactionaries inside the country to obstruct and sabotage Vietnam's
socio-economic development efforts, particularly in the remote and
mountainous areas. They have illegally carried out missionary works
in the areas to provoke ethnic minorities into protesting against
Communist Party and government of Vietnam. In recent years, they
have been taking advantage of such issues as democracy, human right,
and freedom of religion to organize meetings to slander and distort
the policies of Vietnam government.
It should be made clear that the base of power of these subversive
elements lie within a small portion of the Vietnamese Australian
Community. As long as they can sway the overseas Vietnamese's
opinion to their way of thinking, the Vietnamese people and
government's goal of upholding national unity and integrity will be
severely challenged. On the other hand, if they should fail to rally
overseas Vietnamese to their cause, it will be very difficult for
them to do any real and lasting damage. The cooperation of the
Vietnamese Australian community, hence, plays a role that cannot be
overstated in maintaining national unity. In that context, the
Vietnamese Australian community has correctly explained the policies
and guidelines of Government and CPV, as well as disclosed their
plots and hostile activities to Australian Government and people
(for example, Lawyer Tran Ba Phuc in Melbourne).
3.3.
Solutions and Suggestions to Improve the Role of the Vietnamese
Australians in Australia and Vietnam
The Vietnamese Australian Community has continuously been growing
both in number and quality. In recent years, apart from the vast
majority of Vietnamese migrants through the Family Stream, there
have been a growing number of skilled migrants. The Vietnamese
Australian community has grown to almost 250,000 people at the end
of 2013, excluding the 24,000 Vietnamese students at Australian
schools and universities. Of this number there have been more and
more successful Vietnamese Australians in political, economic and
artistic fields.
Although deeply and widely integration into the Australian economy
and society, there are many issues involving the Vietnamese
Australian community that needs to be addressed in order to enhance
their role in both Australia and Vietnam. There are such issues as
the loss of the Vietnamese cultural root among the later generations
of Vietnamese Australian Community, the rate of crime – especially
drug-related crimes – among the poorer Vietnamese Australians, the
loss of faith in the government of Vietnam and the Communist Party
of Vietnam (or worse, the development of dissident thoughts and
movements). From the Vietnamese side, there are a number of
solutions the Vietnamese government can undertake: (i) stimulate the
second and third generations to keep learning Vietnamese as well as
maintain the Vietnamese cultural traditions and identity by
providing textbooks and cultural products; (ii) promote their
investment in Vietnam by means of such concessions as visa
exemption, residence, investment incentives, tax holidays... as much
as is within reasons; (iii) mobilize and incentivize
Vietnamese
Australian scientists, scholars and professors to work in Vietnam by
provisions of material incentives and preferential treatments; (iv)
maintain the community's ties with the homeland by providing them
with information of current situation in Vietnam as well as
achievement in political and economic affairs, supporting them to
organize food and cultural promotion of Vietnam in Australia; (v)
closely cooperate with the Australian authorities to counter
Vietnamese Australian criminal activities, especially in drugs and
human trafficking; (vi) Strengthen diplomatic information service to
inform Vietnamese Australian of the true picture in Vietnam and
counter slanders and misinformation spread by subversive elements
hostile to the Vietnamese national unity.
At the same time, with diligence, skill and brain,
the Vietnamese
Australians treated fairly, supported and facilitated by
Australian government to study at the universities
and vocational colleges, will contribute a lot to Australia. In
addition, with the dynamic development of East Asia,
the Vietnamese
Australians can be used by Australian
Government as a cultural and economic bridge between Australia and
the East Asian countries in general and between Australia and
Vietnam in particular. Apart from that, with the support of both
Vietnamese and Australian authorities, the establishment of
Vietnamese center (town) will give rise to even greater
multiculturalism of Australia.
4. Conclusion
For Vietnamese Australians, the strive for
integration and assimilation into the greater Australian society was
defining in many ways. In this long journey of more than forty years
that have seen both the best and the worst in the Australian
mindset, their efforts have in general paid off. In 2013 there are
almost 250,000 thousand Vietnamese Australians in a community that
has largely melded with the Australian society. Throughout this
journey, they have made many contributions, both good and bad, for
or against their own interest, to the Australian process of building
a modern, democratic, non-discriminatory and civilized society.
However, this does not mean the role of policymakers should
henceforth end. The contribution of Vietnamese Australians to both
countries and to their relationship with each other is so
significant that the community needs constant nurturing, promotion
and accommodation. A strong, mature, civilized and modern Vietnamese
Australian community will play a pivotal role in strengthening both
Australia and Vietnam, as well as bridging the two countries whose
culture and politics do not always see eye-to-eye. This paper seeks,
then, to provide some assessment and suggestion for policymaking to
pursue those ends. This is an endeavor that will require not only
the close coordination and participation of the Vietnamese
government, but also cooperation between Vietnam and Australia and
the political will to commit to comprehensive joint actions.
C. Main Reference
1. Andrew Jakubowicz, Vietnamese in Australia: A Quintessential
Collision, University of Technology Sydney, 2004
2. Ashley Carruthers, Vietnamese Dictionary of Sydney, 2008
http://www.dictionaryofsydney.org/entry/vietnamese .
3. Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013
4. Australian Social Trends, 1994, Population Growth: Birthplaces of
Australia's settlers.
Australian Social Trends, 1994, . Retrieved 2008-03-14.
5.
Australian Social Trends, 2003,
Populationcharacteristics: Ancestry of Australia's
population.
Australian Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved 2008-03-14.
6. Department of Immigration and Citizenship,
http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/statistics/federation/body2.pdf.
7. Haslinda Abullah (2009), “Major Challenges to the Effective
Management of Human Resource Training and Development Activities”,
The Journal of International Social Research, Volume 2/8 Summer
2009.
l
8. Gibbs, Stephen (2 December 2003).
"Crunch time for SBS over Vietnamese news bulletin"Sydney
Morning Herald. Retrieved 2008-03-14.
9. International Organization of Migration (IOM), Rural
Development and Migration, Hanoi 2014.
grievance redress mechanism for migrant workers, December 2013.
10. International Organization of Migration (IOM),
IOM Viet Nam joins together with National Government to host
workshop on grievance redress mechanism for migrant workers,
Hanoi 17th December 2013.
11. International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database,
Washington April 2013.
12. James Jupp (ed.), 2001 The Australian People:
An Encyclopedia of the Nation, Its People and Their Origins
Edited by, Cambridge University Press 2001
13. Nguyen Anh Tuan (ed), 2006, Chapter 7: Migration of Labor Forces
in International Economic Relations (Textbook), National Political
Publisher, Hanoi.
14. Tim Lambert, a Brief History of Vietnam,
http://www.localhistories.org/viethist.html,
15. Philip L. Martin, 2003, Highly Skilled Labor Migration:
Sharing the Benefits, Geneva: The International Institute for
Labour Studies.
16. Philip Martin, 2004, Inter-economics: Policy Responses to
Unauthorized or Irregular Workers, Geneva: ILO, January/February
17. Viviani, N. and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of
Australian-Asian Relations. 1980 Australian government policy
on the entry of Vietnamese refugees in 1975, Centre for the
Study of Australian-Asian Relations Griffith University.
18. Viviani, N., Lawe-Davies, J. and Griffith University. Centre for
the Study of Australian-Asian Relations. 1980 Australian
government policy on the entry of Vietnamese refugees, 1976 to 1978,
Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations Griffith
University.
19. Viet Ventures,
http://www.vietventures.com/vietnam/history_vietnam.asp
20. The World Fact book, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/index.html
21. UNDP, UNDP Human Development Report 2013, the CIA World
Fact book 2014.
22. Williams, J. R. and Morris, J. 1991, Homecoming: images of
Vietnam, Nambour, Qld: Homecoming Publications.
References:
[1] Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan is Editor-in-Chief of Journal of International
Studies, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam.
[2] As many as a quarter of Vietnamese speakers in Australia are of
Chinese ancestry but there is no real divide between ethnic
Vietnamese and ethnic Chinese Vietnamese communities.
[3]
Andrew Jakubowicz, A Quintessential Collision: Vietnamese in
Australia after a generation of settlement and adaptation,
University of Technology Sydney, May 2004.
[4]
He used to be Army minister during the Vietnam War.
[5] For example, in conjunction with
the Vietnamese government’s orderly
departure program. See more in: Viviani, N., 1980,
Australian government policy on the entry of
Vietnamese refugees in 1975, Centre for the Study of
Australian-Asian Relations Griffith University.
[6]
‘Social cohesion’ was after all a central concern of the
empire project – what sort of deal needed to be struck with
incomers to ensure that the social order was not destabilized?
The original strategies of assimilation had faltered as they did
not address the realities of communal processes of survival and
the critical role of culture in human identity and social
engagement.
[7] Birrell B. and Seol B.-S.,
1998, ‘Sydney’s
ethnic underclass’, People and Place, Vol.
(6) 3.
[8] Healy E., 1997,
“1996 Census Update –
Residential Concentrations of Vietnam-Born people
in Melbourne and Sydney”,
People and Place, Vol. 5(3).
[9] Tran, M.V., Holton, R.
J., 1991, Sadness is losing our country,
happiness is knowing peace: Vietnamese social mobility in
Australia, 1975-1990, Canberra: Office of Multicultural Affairs.
[10] However, that before
1975 Vietnam was not separately recorded
as a country of birth for settlers so the Australian Bureau of
Statistics is unable to provide an exact picture of settler
intake prior to this time.
[11] Lewins F. W. and Ly
J., 1985, The first
wave: the settlement of Australia’s first
Vietnamese refugees, Sydney: Allen & Unwin; Viviani N., 1984,
The long journey: Vietnamese migration and
settlement in Australia, Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University
Press
[12] People sailing out of
Vietnam to wherever would take them; if they survived from
pirates, storms and unsafe boats. Many of the boats that began
to arrive in Australia had been re-fuelled in Malaysia and then
sent on their way.
[13]
Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 1994
: Population Growth: Birthplaces of Australia's
settlers, Canberra 1995.
[14] In the 2001 census
almost all people of Vietnamese ancestry were first or second
generation Australians, consistent with the timing of Vietnamese
immigration, which essentially began in the mid-1970s and
increased over the 1980s (Australian
Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 2003: Population
characteristics: Ancestry of Australia's population, Canberra
2004).
[15] In 2001, the
Vietnamese language was spoken at home
by 174,236 people in Australia. Vietnamese is the sixth most
widely spoken language in the country after
English, the
Chinese languages,
Italian,
Greek and
Arabic. See: Australian Bureau of
Statistics, Australian Social Trends, 2003: Population
characteristics: Ancestry of Australia's population, Canberra
2004.
[16] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013.
[17] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Ibid.
[18] Between 1975 and 1986,
almost all of the Vietnamese arrivals were refugees. This
decreased to around 45 per cent between 1986 and 1991 and only
22% between 1991 and 1993. By 2000 the Vietnamese humanitarian
arrivals were less than 2% of the total Vietnamese settler
arrivals.
[19] Australian Bureau of
Statistics,
Country of Birth of Person by Sex - Australia, Canberra
2007.
[20] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013.
[21] This is partly thanks
to almost Vietnamese Australians follow one of the religions. According to census
data released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics in 2012,
Vietnamese Australians are, by religion, 30.3%
Catholic, 0.4%
Anglican, 3.1 other Christian, 55.2% other religions (mainly
Buddhist with
Taoism and
Ancestor Worship as one), and only
11.0% no religion.
[22] Australian Bureau of
Statistics, Ibid.
[23] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2012.
[24] Australia Government, Department of Immigration and Border
Protection, Country Profile – Vietnam, Canberra 2013
[25] Indeed, in June 2002
in the outer Sydney suburb of Liverpool a group of
twenty-something Vietnamese Australians created ‘Viet Pop’, a
celebration of their experience as ‘Generation 2’. Through
music, performance, art and photography they sought to capture
the multiplicity of identities, challenges and creative
engagements that characterized their lives in this metropolis to
which their parents had fled a generation before. In addition,
in the 2003 Centenary Awards identified eight Vietnamese
Australians for recognition – from SBS radio’s Quang Luu to
Fairfield Unity Party councillor Thang Ngo.
[26] Alcorso C., 1991,
Non-English Speaking Background Immigrant Women in the
Workforce, Centre for Multicultural Studies, University of
Wollongong.
[27] Cregan C., 2001,
Home sweat home: Preliminary findings of the first stage of a
two-part study of outworkers in the textile industry in
Melbourne, Melbourne: Department of Management, Melbourne
University.
[28] Hage G., 2002, White
nation: fantasies of white supremacy in a multicultural society,
2nd Edition, Sydney: Pluto Press.
[29] The figures were
provided by Mukherjee of the Australian Institute of
Criminology in 1999 (Melbourne).
[30] Parliamentary Joint
Committee on the National Crime Authority, 1995.
[31] Robert Merton first
theorised such situations in his studies in the 1940s of anomie
and alienation in ethnic neighbourhoods of Chicago, and
reflected on a sociological modelling of dis/organised crime.
Merton proposed models of adaptation by immigrant communities
facing existing hierarchies of status and privilege that
produced dysfunctional outcomes he labelled as ‘alienation’
and ‘anomie’,
drawing on but going beyond Durkheim’s
theoretical conclusions about the dynamics of suicide. Merton
argued for a model that linked personal values and aspirations
to social structure and mobility pathways. He suggested that the
critical link was between aspiration and opportunity. ‘Anomie’
occurred where individuals had internalised wider
societal values and aspirations but found that the legitimate
pathways to achieve those goals were blocked –
thus leading to the development of alternative
pathways and structures. ‘Alienation’
referred to a process when the very values of the
wider society were rejected, and alternative values with little
chance of their realisation, emerged.
[32] See more in: (i)
Featherstone, R. and Deflem, M., 2003,
‘Anomie and Strain: Context and
Consequences of Merton’s Two Theories’,
Sociological Inquiry 73(4):
471-489; (ii) Merton, R. K., 1938,
‘Social Structure and Anomie’,
American Sociological Review, No
3(October): 672-682.
[33] Kawakami, I.
2003 ‘Resettlement and
Border Crossing: A Comparative Study on the Life and Ethnicity
of Vietnamese in Australia and Japan’,
International Journal of Japanese Sociology 12(1):
48-67.
The HDI produced by the UN is a composite measure of three
dimensions of human development - health, education and income.
Australia ranks very high on this measure, with a 2012 score of
0.94, second only to Norway. Comparatively, Vietnam’s HDI in
2012 was 0.62, ranking the country 127 out of 186 countries. The
HDI of East Asia and the Pacific in 2012 was 0.68.
[35]
In term of remittance, Vietnam was the
number 2 in South East Asia and the number 9 in the world in
2012.
18.11.2014
ZIVKO BUDIMIR'S SPEECH
IN BERLIN: EUROPE WITHOUT WALLS
Celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the
fall of the Berlin Wall
Ladies and gentlemen,
I come from a country that is disintegrated - which got to be one of
the reasons that it is not and cannot be integrated into the
European Union. That is discouraging not only for me, but it should
also be discouraging for Europe, where we belong as a civilization -
not merely as its south-eastern part. I hope that European Union
urgently makes sincere and efficient gestures to help me and many
people who share my vision of a non-divided and prosperous Bosnia
and Herzegovina, achieve our goals. Under our present circumstances
- dictated by the unjust Dayton constitution, by the fraudulent
Election process and by other severe travesties of justice - we are
badly damaged, divided, discouraged... all things considered, we are
forcefully, cynically denied the "European promise" given us as the
Berlin Wall crumbled. As the fall of the Berlin Wall wiped out the borders between "East"
and "West", most states in "the East" expected freedom, security,
prosperity, improved quality of life. Twenty-five years later, it
is reasonable to ask, whether these expectations were met? Yes, for the most, they were, but not for my country - Bosnia and
Herzegovina. While Germany got peacefully united, Bosnia and
Herzegovina got forcefully divided, contrary to the International
Law and contrary to the template of modern European civilization.
So now it is not a just, functional, safe, democratic, prosperous
state. Quite the contrary - Bosnia and Herzegovina is not even a
state, rather, it is an ad hoc loose union of two states: One given
to the victim of the aggression, Federation B&H - one given as a
gift to the aggressor, "ethnically cleansed" Serb Republic!
Conversion of capital from the state and corporate property into
private hands is steeped in corruption and crime that so far costs
us billions of Euros, largest unemployment in Europe, many social
ills and then some. In other words, capitalist economy was
implemented unfavorably for us and the promised society of
democracy, equality and justice was drowned in blood, division,
destruction, corruption. The ideal of the Western European model of
liberal democracy and corporate capitalism has solely benefited the
West - at the expense of the former communist states such as ours.
It is hard to escape the impression - formed on the basis of our
bitterly gathered knowledge of facts and severe hardships of our
citizens - that significant institutions and personalities in Europe
participated and continue to participate in those destructive
processes aimed against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, I would
like to ask the question: Is even Europe in a crisis? Has Europe -
after the divisions between East and West - accelerated the division
to North and South? It seems that the high degree of development of
the West itself has created a new wall for small nations such as
Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, have we not, in a wider arena,
perhaps, all together entered a new "cold war"?
Ladies and gentlemen,
Twenty-five years later, confidence in International Law and
political processes is at the rock bottom. In the elections of
October this year, I have been defeated while being the only
candidate who sincerely promoted the idea of a unified state with
one president instead of the present three "ethnic group
representatives", with the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina
instead of the present Council of Ministers, with the necessary
Supreme Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Ministry of
Agriculture and Ministry of Interior at the level of the State of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. I promoted the State of Bosnia and
Herzegovina without entities Serb Republic and Federation B&H -
instead organized internally as four multi-ethnic,
multi-confessional regions based on criteria such as Geography,
Economy, and Transport... all that would make us a normal European
country. I envisioned all that we so desperately need - all that
the Dayton constitution has taken away from us. I expected that the national-chauvinist indoctrinated voters are not
going to support me - but my disappointment was that there was zero
support from the "democratic Europe". Elections for the European
Parliament recently also showed that voters in most countries are
increasingly inclined towards populist parties that are not only
anti-immigrant, but are also anti-European. Today I stand in front of you asking you two crucial questions: What
do you want for the future of Europe and what do you want from us
"small nations"? LET US HOPE THAT WE WILL GET SOME HONEST ANSWERS!
PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERATION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Živko Budimir In Berlin, November 8, 2014
09.11.2014
25 years after 9/11 – How
many Germanies should Europe have?
Prof. Anis H. Bajrektareviæ
Ever since the Peace of Westphalia,
Europe maintained the inner balance of powers by keeping its core
section soft. Peripheral powers like England, France, Denmark,
(Sweden and Poland being later replaced by) Prussia, the Ottomans,
Habsburgs and Russia have pressed and preserved the center of
continental Europe as their own playground. At the same time, they
kept extending their possessions overseas or, like Russia and the
Ottomans, over the land corridors deeper into Asian and MENA proper.
Once Royal Italy and Imperial Germany had appeared, the geographic
core ‘hardened’ and for the first time started to
politico-militarily press onto peripheries, including the two
European mega destructions, known as the two World Wars. Therefore,
this new geopolitical reality caused a big security dilemma lasting
from the 1814 Vienna congress up to Potsdam conference of 1945,
being re-actualized again with the Berlin Wall destruction: How many
Germanies and Italies should Europe have to preserve its inner
balance and peace?
At the time of Vienna Congress, there were nearly a dozen of
Italophone states and over three dozens of Germanophone entities –
34 western German states + 4 free cities ( Kleinstaaterei
), Austria and Prussia. The post-WWII Potsdam
conference concludes with only three Germanophone (+ Lichtenstein +
Switzerland) and two Italophone states (+ Vatican). Than, 25 years
ago, we concluded that one of Germanies was far too much to care to
the future. Thus, it disappeared from the map overnight, and joined
the NATO and EU – without any accession talks – instantly.
West of Berlin, the
usual line of narrative claims that the European 9/11 was an event
of the bad socio-economic model being taken over by the superior one
– just an epilogue of pure ideological reckoning. Consequently – the
narrative goes on – the west (German) taxpayers have taken the
burden. East of Berlin, people will remind you clearly that the
German reunification was actually a unilateral takeover, an Anschluss, which has been paid by the bloody dissolutions
affecting in several waves two of the three demolished multinational
Slavic state communities. A process of brutal erosions that still
goes on, as we see it in Ukraine today.
Read more on the next page:
Prof. Anis H.
Bajrektareviæ
Vienna, 09 NOV
2014
anis@corpsdiplomatique.cd
Author is professor
in international law and global political studies, based in Vienna,
Austria. His recent book Geopolitics of Technology – Is
There Life after Facebook? is published by the New York’s
Addleton Academic Publishers.
07.11.2014
Why is (the Korean peninsula and East) Asia
unable to capitalize (on) its successes
Asia needs ASEAN-ization not
Pakistanization of its continent
Anis H. Bajrektarevic
Speculations over the alleged bipolar world of tomorrow (the
so-called G-2, China vs. the US), should not be an Asian dilemma. It
is primarily a concern of the West that, after all, overheated China
in the first place with its (outsourced business) investments.
Hence, despite a distortive noise about the possible future G-2
world, the central security problem of Asia remains the same: an
absence of any pan-continental multilateral setting on the world’s
largest continent. The Korean peninsula like no other Asian theater
pays a huge prize because of it.
Why is it so?
How
to draw the line between the recent and still unsettled EU/EURO
crisis and Asia’s success story? Well, it might be easier than it
seems: Neither Europe nor Asia has any alternative. The difference
is that Europe well knows there is no alternative – and therefore is
multilateral. Asia thinks it has an alternative – and therefore is
strikingly bilateral, while stubbornly residing enveloped in
economic egoisms. No wonder that Europe is/will be able to manage
its decline, while Asia is (still) unable to capitalize its
successes. Asia – and particularly its economically most (but not
yet politico-militarily) advanced region, East Asiy its most advnced
: ' teater remains a very hostige of ita – clearly does not accept
any more the lead of the post-industrial and post-Christian Europe,
but is not ready for the post-West world.
Read more on the next page:
03.11.2014
The AsianSquare Dance - 1st
part
By Michael Akerib, Vice-Rector, SWISS
UMEF UNIVERSITY
Goldman
Sachs first coined the expression BRICs - Brazil, Russia, India and
China - to identify the economic giants of the future that will
reshape the world economic order. While Russia's economy is linked
to the prices of commodities, energy in particular, Brazil has not
lived up to expectations. Of the four countries, China and India
have shown the most impressive growth in recent years with,
respectively, 10% and 8%. Excluding Brazil, the population of the
BRIC represents 40% of the world's inhabitants.
With Asia, reckoned to be today the most dynamic continent,
accounting for 65% of the world's population, and China and India
together accounting for 40%, these two countries can potentially
alter the fragile equilibrium of the world's economy. It is forecast
that by 2030 the East Asian economies will be the world's largest
economic bloc.
Due to diverging political ideologies and concerns, however, this
bloc does not, in fact, exist other than in prose. Even worse, all
the countries in the area have made significant investments in
military equipment over the recent past thus sharply increasing the
risk of conflict particularly as fears grow over China's intentions.
The US' dream, during the cold war, of creating an Asian equivalent
to NATO was short lived. Today, Asia has five nuclear powers:
Pakistan, India, China, North Korea and Russia. On the other hand,
the US is constrained by budgetary problems.
Read more on the next page:
26.10.2014
Jamil Maidan Flores: Why ASEM Is Vital to Indonesian Interest
It’s difficult to overestimate the importance of ASEM,
which bridges East Asia and Europe
By Jakarta
Globe on
08:40 pm Oct 19, 2014 Category Columns, Opinion
- Tags: el
indio
(Image courtesy of ASEM)
Late last week,
the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) held its 10th summit in Milan, Italy.
The event involved 51 nations from the two continents plus two
regional organizations, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
and the European Union.
As
European Council president Herman Van Rompuy pointed out, these 51
nations account for 60 percent of humankind, 50 percent of global
gross domestic product, and 60 percent of global trade. Remove their
contributions, and the global economy ceases to be viable.
Once
again Indonesia wasn’t represented by its head of state and
government at the ASEM summit. This time the world understood and
excused Indonesia. After all, the summit coincided with the very eve
of the turnover of the presidency from Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who
had just completed his second term, to his successor, Joko Widodo.
It was
different in 2010 when President Yudhoyono failed to attend the
ninth ASEM summit in Brussels. Although days after that summit, he
visited the Netherlands. Earlier, Yudhoyono did not make it to the
US-Asean summit either. As a result, speculation was rife that the
Indonesian government, in deference to China, was distancing itself
from the US and the West. It was around that time that the US
announced its “pivot” or “rebalancing” toward East Asia after years
of apparent neglect of the region by the administration of George W.
Bush.
Read more on the next page:
23.10.2014
The political character
of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social
networks?
by Dimitra Karantzeni
dimikar87@yahoo.gr
Abstract
This study investigates the political potential of social networks as
popular platforms of mediated communication. The findings of the survey
reveal the level of engagement of Greek internet users with different
social media, the particular ways in which they prefer to use them as
well as their future expectations as regards the development of these
platforms and their deeper penetration into Greek society.
Keywords
Social media, Greece, politics, communication, citizen participation
Mass
media, due to their symbolic character as well as their level of
penetration into every aspect of social life, play a significant role in
the formation of identity. According to Mezek (2011, p. 7), they have a
triple role: “an information broker, arena for ideas and a community
sustainer”, or in other words, they act as a forum for “public
influence, identity and solidarity” (Alexander and Jacobs, 1998, p. 26).
Thompson underlines the importance of media, as means of “acculturalisation”,
that partly formulate our perceptions of belonging in groups and
communities, creating a so-called, “mediated sociality” (Thompson, 1995,
p. 35).
Read more on the next page:
17.10.2014
Were the
Crusades Justified? A Revisiting
Dr. Emanuel L.
Paparella
If one surveys a
magazine of opinion, such as Ovi, among others, it will not take long
before one encounters a tirade or a rebuke against religion in general
or Christianity and the Catholic Church in particular. The five
phenomena which allegedly inspire the attack, coming usually from
secularists and positivists are: 1) The suppression of knowledge and
obscurantism, 2) the required celibacy of its priests resulting in
pedophilia and homosexuality, 3) the Inquisition, 4) Witch hunting and
burning, 5) the Crusades. These are phenomena which go back to medieval
times which in themselves are usually declared as dark times (confusing
the dark ages with medieval times in general) and therefore undesirable
in our modern, scientifically advanced, “enlightened” times. Often
enough a recommendation is freely and egregiously offered: the Church
should simply disband itself after asking for forgiveness for its crimes
and hanging its head in shame, and everybody will be much better off
afterward. Enlightenment and peace, transparency and liberty and
integrity will then arrive on the scene and will reign supreme: a sort
of Utopian Garden of Eden. If any quarter is granted to any form of
Christianity in this highly Utopian world free of corruption and sin, it
will be for a reformed Church, that is to say, the Protestant Churches.
I have already dealt at some length with the first three historical
phenomena. At times it has given rise to reactionary spirited
counter-positions on the matter, sometimes those positions have
degenerated into a diatribe. That is of course undesirable. At the risk
of renewing such a diatribe, and in the more positive interests of free
speech and truth, I’d like for the moment to tackle here the fifth of
the above mentioned phenomena, the one on the Crusades and some of their
assumptions and implications.
Read more on the next page:
15.10.2014
Europe – the
letzte Mensch
or
Übermensch,
the new Byzantium or declining Rome
Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
A
freshly released IMF’s World Economic Outlook brings (yet again, for the
sixth year in a row, and for the third time this year only) no
comforting picture to anyone within the G-7, especially in the US and
EU. Will the passionately US-pushed cross-Atlantic Free Trade Area save
the day? Or, would that Pact-push drag the things over the edge and mark
an end of the unionistic Europe? Is the extended EU conflict with
Russia actually a beginning of
the Atlantic-Central Europe’s conflict over
Russia, an internalization of
mega geopolitical and geo-economic dilemma – who accommodates with whom,
in and out of the Union? Finally, does more Ukrainian (and Eastern
Europe) calamities pave the road for a new cross-continental grand
accommodation, of either austerity-tired France or über-performing
Germany with Russia, therefore the end of the EU? For whose sake Eastern
Europe has been barred of all important debates such as that of Slavism,
identity, secularism and antifascism? Why do we suddenly wonder that all
around Germany-led Central Europe, the neo-Nazism gains ground while
only Russia insists on antifascism and (pan-)Slavism?
Before answering that, let us examine what is (the meaning and size of)
our Europe? Where, how and – very importantly – when is our Europe? For
example, is the non-EU Europe the existent but invisible world, sort of
the dark side of the moon? Or, is that more? Beyond the ancient
Maastricht and Schengen: the Roman Hadrian Wall and Limes Line there was
no world at all. There was only (an instrument of) the Silk Road – that
antique WTO, isn’t it? Hence, is this unionistic condominium the best of
Europe, or Europe itself?
Read more on the next page:
08.10.2014
Brazil – New Age
Patricia Galves
Derolle
Brazil
is the largest country in size and population in comparison to other
Latin American countries, and it is the seventh largest economy in the
world by nominal GDP. Since the mid 2000’s, Brazil has become a more
attractive global player: it has diversified its economy and its
partnerships, and launched the Growth Acceleration Plan (2007) in order
to increase investment in infrastructure and provide tax incentives for
economic growth. Brazil has also decreased domestic poverty through
development plans: according to the World Bank, poverty (people living
with USD 2 per day) has fallen from 21% of the population in 2003 to 11%
in 2009. An overall view of Brazilian economy shows that the level of
foreign direct investment is increasing, the wages are rising, the
middle class in growing, and the unemployment rate is low, which offers
a wide range of opportunities in different areas. Despite the positive
scenario, Brazil is an emerging economy and faces issues and challenges
to be surpassed.
Commercial and
Economic Partnerships
Brazil has strong commercial and economic ties with both the developed
and the developing world. To diversify partnership so that its economy
is not entirely dependent on the West is not a recent action plan for
Brazil. Since the 1960’s, with the Independent Foreign Policy, Brazil
has searched for different markets to export primary goods. In the 90’s,
Brazil focused its economy on the developed world, being the United
States its primary partner. During Lula da Silva’s government, Brazil
started searching for alternatives to boost economic growth and increase
exports, although keeping traditional partners.
After
the Goldman Sachs report on emerging economies, released in 2001, Brazil
started again to diversify its partnership with other countries that
were similar to it. In this context, Brazil, Russia, India and China
decided to strengthen their relationships and to create a non-structured
grouping called BRIC. Only in 2011 South Africa joined the grouping,
turning the acronym BRIC into BRICS. Recently, the BRICS created a
Developing Bank, which offers its members credit to infrastructure
needs. With the traditional western partners, Brazil intensifies
commercial and economic relations, mainly bilaterally or through
regional groupings. In a simple analysis, Brazil exports primary and
imports manufactured goods. In a multilateral level, Brazil disagrees
with the West on issues that concern the International Monetary Fund
(quotas) and the World Trade Organization (agricultural subsidies).
Read more on the next page:
Patricia Galves Derolle
Founder of
Internacionalista
São Paulo, Brazil
25.09.2014
“War as Usual” in
Palestine. Can Kosovo’s Independence Serve as Role Model for a Way Out?
by Corinna Metz
Israel and Hamas are leading their “war as usual” like a cynical biennially
routine at the expense of the civilian population of Gaza. However, when
taking a look at the map of the Middle East one sees that time is running
out for the Palestinian hope for a state since the territory it could be
built on increasingly gets absorbed by Israel.
Kosovo Style Independence – A Purported Way Out of the
Crisis
So what’s the solution? Palestinians desperately search for a way out of the
stalemate in the conflict with Israel and thereby clutch at every straw.
Without questioning the purpose and limits of analogy, several Palestinian
officials perceived the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in
2008 as universal remedy to conflicts about statehood. This was expressed in
the statement “Kosovo is not better than us. We deserve independence even
before Kosovo, and we ask for the backing of the United States and the
European Union for our independence.”
ii made by the high ranking member of the Palestine National
Authority and advisor to the Palestinian President, Yasser Abed Rabbo.
Despite its popularity, this approach was rejected by most members of the
Palestinian leadership including President Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian
Chief Negotiator Saeb Erekat, who clearly commented the discussion with the
assertion “We are not Kosovo”.iii
Notwithstanding, political commentators and scholars seized the opportunity
for a broader debate about the relevance of a comparison of Kosovo and
Palestine.
Read more on the next page:
August 9, 2014 by Corinna Metz
Global Climate Negotiations and
Politics
Alisa Fazleeva
Alisa Fazleeva earned an MA in International Relations from
the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her
research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and
constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.
Once climate and ecological problems are put in the
agenda of international organizations, they immediately become a tool
for wider political controversies.
The first observation is that climate negotiations are
becoming one more way for the governments to pursue their interests. The
brightest example happened last year, at the UNFCCC (United Nations
Framework Conference for Climate Change) held in Bonn, Germany, which
caused utter dissatisfaction among the delegates. The reason for that
was an agenda dispute concerning a proposal by the Russian Federation,
Belarus and Ukraine to introduce a new item on legal and procedural
issues related to decision-making under the Conference of the Parties
(COP) and Conference of the Parties serving as the meeting of the
Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP). (Earth Negotiations Bulletin, 2013)
This is particularly interesting because, given the
ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by the Russian Federation in 2004
(the protocol at which many developed countries agreed to legally
binding reductions in their emissions of greenhouse gases), it seems
there was a shift in the Russian attitude towards the negotiation that
needed to be addressed. Was the amendment to the Kyoto protocol
desirable because the protesting countries intended to influence the
environmental negotiations decision-makers? Or did it happen because the
Russian economy is alive mainly because of oil extraction and chemical
industry and pending the UNFCCC conclusions was beneficial for Russia?
Read more on the next page:
02.08.2014
On 28th
July exactly 100 years ago, Central Europe declared a war to Eastern
Europe, an event that marked the official outbreak of World War I. This
was a turning point which finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Èpoque, and set the Old Continent and the whole world with
it into the series of motions that lasted for almost a century, before
docking us to our post-modern societies. From WWI to www. Too smooth and
too good to be true? Let us use this occasion and briefly examine our
post-modernity and some fallacies surrounding it.
From
WWI
to
www.
– PUTIN
NEXT DR
Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
In the (Brave New) world of
www.
where, irrespectively from your current location on the planet, at least
20 intelligence agencies are notifying the incoming call before your
phone even rings up, how is it possible to lose jumbo-jet for good? The
two huge aviation tragedies affecting same country – Malaysia, are yet
another powerful reminders that we are obsessed with a control via
confrontation, not at all with the prosperity through human safety.
Proof? Look at the WWI-like blame-game over the downing of the plane – a
perfect way to derail our most important debate: Which kind of future do
we want? Who seats in our cockpit and why do we stubbornly insist on
inadequate civilizational navigation?! Consequently, Ukraine today is a
far bigger crash site, which is – regrettably enough – well beyond an
ill-fated MH 17.
Why in the
www.
world our media still bears the WWI-like rethorics? The ongoing
demonization of President Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin in the
so-called mainstream media actually serves as a confrontational nostalgia
call on the side of West. Hence, this main-scream
seems aiming not to alienate, but to invite the current Russian
leadership to finally accept confrontation as a modus operandi after a 25 years of pause.
Read more on the next page:
Vienna, 28 JUL 2014
A Modest “Australian”
Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems
The Continent and Nation of
Australia
Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
There is little doubt that our geo-political problems are
becoming more and more intricate and intractable. We presently have on
our hands the middle East crisis, the Ukrainian crisis, the Iraq and
Syria crisis, the economic crisis of the West, the border crisis between
the US and Mexico (with thousands of unaccompanied children from Central
America crossing the border), the territory disputes between Japan and
China, North and South Korea, the EU-Africa crisis with refugees
arriving almost daily in Lampedusa, Italy attempting to get a foot-hold
in Europe, and the list goes on and on. The world is indeed a sorry
mess.
 It has not dawned yet on our myopic politicians, our so
called leaders and statesmen, that, as the Pope has repeatedly declared,
the problem is one of inequality and distributive justice; that as long
as there are desperate people in desperate circumstances there will be
refugees crossing the borders in search of a better life. Usually those
crisis lead to wars and socio-political global turmoil benefiting none,
not even the affluent countries.
I have a modest solution which some may find laughable,
even absurd, but it is practically historically inevitable within our
ongoing process of globalization. Before I suggest the solution let us
consider some present geo-political realities. There is a polity in
place which can be termed a Continental nation in the true sense of that
word. It is Australia. It is completely surrounded by the Pacific Ocean
which functions as its borders. It is a nation with a common language
and a multicultural background, including the aboriginal culture which
is now respected if not exactly promoted.
Read more on the next page:
27 July 2014
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2014
AND INDONESIAN FOREIGN POLICY
Igor Dirgantara
Abstracts:
Indonesian foreign politics are closely related to the issue of its
national pride, position, and role in the international affairs. The
fact that a peaceful election in Indonesia should be a major capital and
stimulus to improve the active role in regional and global arena, as
mandated by opening of the Constitution 1945 paragraph 4 to participate
in creating a world order, as well as to resolve issues and security
challenges. The question that a distinguish prof. Anis Bajrektarevic has
recently asked in his luminary work “Europe of Sarajevo 100 years
later”, ‘Was history ever on holiday?’ – is nearly answered, at least
this time in Indonesia – the 3rd largest
democracy in the world.
Keywords : Indonesia Presidential Elections 2014, Foreign Policy Performance,
Security Challenges, Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa, Jokowi-Jusuf Kalla
By: Igor Dirgantara (Researcher and
Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics, University of Jayabaya)
Indonesian Presidential general election has been underway on July 9th.
There were 2 pairs of strong candidates for Presidential and
Vice-Presidential position: Prabowo Subianto-Hatta Rajasa
(Prabowo-Hatta) and Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla (Jokowi-JK). There will
be numerous challenges for the elected pair, and one of the more
important challenge will be regarding Indonesia's future foreign
politics policy. This article will try to foresee the type of leadership
of each couple and also their foreign politics performance.
Read more on the next page:
16.07.2014
Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of
multiculturalism?
by Peny Sotiropoulou
Introduction
Prof.
Anis Bajrektarevic famously claimed that “…the conglomerate of
nation-states/EU has silently handed over one of its most important
debates – that of European identity – to the wing-parties, recently
followed by the several selective and contra-productive foreign policy
actions.” Elaborating on these actions he went further as to claim that:
“…sort of Islam Europe supported in the Middle East yesterday, is the
sort of Islam that Europe hosts today. (…) and “…that Islam in Turkey
(or in Kirgizstan and in Indonesia) is broad, liberal and tolerant while
the one in Northern Europe is a brutally dismissive and assertive.”
******
Western Europe is phasing the outcomes of the development of two
different trajectories. On one side, the immigrant presence from the
former colonies, growing since the 1960’s, has turned Western Europe
into a multicultural and, by extension, multi-faith mosaic. On the
other, the permanent decline of religious performance has brought up a
wider consensus concerning the privatization of religion as well as its
status of invisibility in the public sphere. These two trajectories can
be perceived as oppositional if one bears in mind the significant
numbers of non- white immigrants residing in Western European states and
the paramount importance most of them place on religion for
identification, organization and political representation. Several
prominent academics refer to the emergence of the aforementioned
phenomenon as a ‘crisis of secularism’.
Read more on the next page:
July 5, 2014
Geo–cultural strategy for
Eurasia A Paradigm for the New Silk Road
Emre Kovacs and Murray Hunter
In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed that China and
Central Asia collaborate to build a Silk Road Economic Belt,
which would comprise all countries within the Eurasian region. According
to Eurasian expert and China Daily columnist Liang Qiang, such a
corridor would be the
World’s longest economic belt, with the most potential for development,
and a strategic base of energy resources in the 21st century.
Liang Qiang further noted: “The Chinese government can strive for the
vision of establishing the Silk Road Economic Belt by making further
efforts to build mutual trust and overcome doubts, such as making clear
the difference between China’s vision and those of Russia and the US,
and stressing development and cooperation without economic integration,
and by taking into consideration the different concerns of different
countries and actively seeking converging economic interests with
regional countries.”
Read more on the next page:
22.06.2014
EU = SU² - An ahistorical
enterprise?
(Of Europe’s 9/11 and 11/9, 100 years later)
Europe of June 1914 and of
June 2014. Hundred years in between, two hot and one cold war. The
League of Nations, Cristal Night, Eurosong and Helsinki Decalogue Coco
Chanel, VW, Marshall Aid, Tito, Yuri Gagarin, Tolkien’s troll, Berlin
wall and Euro-toll Ideologies, purges, repeated genocides, the latest
one coinciding with the Maastricht birth of the Union… a televised
slaughterhouse and the Olympic city besieged for 1,000 days, just one
hour flight from Brussels.
E
non so più pregare E nell'amore non so più sperare E quell'amore non so più aspettare[1]
Key words in 1914: Jingoism, booming trade and lack of trust,
assassination, imminent collision, grand war. 100 years later; Europe
absorbed by the EU project, demographic and economic decline, chauvinism
reloaded … Twisting between the world of (Gavrilo) PRINCIP and global
village of (instant) MONETISATION (of every-thing and everyone)… Are our
past hundred years an indication of what to expect throughout this
century?! What is our roadmap?! Is it of any help to reflect on the
Sarajevo event of June 28th,
1914 which has finally fractured a fragile equilibrium of La Belle Èpoque,
and set the Old Continent (and its world) into the series of motions
that lasted for almost a century, before ending with the unique
unionistic form of today’s Europe?
Four men leading one
man bound One man whom the four men hound One man counted bound and led
One man whom the four men dread[2]
The following lines are not a comprehensive account on all of the
events. Rather interpretative by its nature, this is a modest reminder
of what Europe used and still tends to be, despite all our passions and
hopes, visions and targets, institutions and instruments.* * * * *
Read more on the next page:
Anis Bajrektarevic, Professor and Chairperson
International Law and Global Political Studies
Vienna (Austria), EUROPE
Cell: +43 (0) 676 739 71 75
email:
anis@bajrektarevic.eu
www.bajrektarevic.eu
21.06.2014
Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
Prema Evropi bez političkih zatvorenika
Gerald Knaus

Kosovo essay – Of Patriarchs and Rebels
/
Berlin event – Political prisoner dilemmas
Helping families and lawyers /
Godot in
Macedonia
ESI capacity building – from Lake Ohrid to the Bosporus
Read more on the next page:
06.06.2014
Sea Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social
justice?
Murray Hunter
If
you travelled to a small pier at the bottom of Ann Street in
Williamstown, a bayside suburb of Melbourne, Australia, you would come
across a small letterbox with the words "Sea Shepherd" painted over it.
Next to the letterbox is an old shed that has seen much better times
with an open gate leading to two ships, the Steve Irwin and Bob Barker moored and being outfitted for a future yet unknown
maritime mission.
For a highly controversial direct action marine
conservation society, best known for the direct action it has been
taking against Japanese whaling ships in the Southern Ocean near
Antarctica, security is extremely lax on the pier. In fact tours are
offered of the MV Bob Barker every week while it is having a major
fit-out.
One thing that will strike anybody making the effort to
take the tour is how well organized Sea Shepherd really is. Although the
crew has attracted many people of different nations serving on one of
the four Sea Shepherd ships, the members appear to be very highly
motivated, coordinated, and ready to get into harm's way for the causes
they believe in.
Read more on the next page:
06.05.2014
Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down
World
Security Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, April 17, 2014 Dear Friends of the World Security Network,
Ukraine is in severe danger of losing its eastern territory. The
escalation level is rising to military confrontation with the
separatists and Russian special forces and a possible open intervention
by the Russian Federation.
The approach of the Europeans and U.S. to
this crisis in Ukraine is still mainly reactionary, after a committed
start by the German, Polish and French foreign ministers during the
Maidan Square occupation.
The U.S., the EU and especially influential Germany, with its strong
relations to Moscow, should now pursue a more active double strategy of
power and diplomacy, including hard and soft factors of peace keeping. I
call this fresh approach
World 3.0.
President and Founder
World Security Network Foundation
Read more on the next page:
April 17, 2014
The Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 –
Critical Similarities
Between Inner Lake and Open Sea
While the world’s attention
remains focused on Ukraine, Crimea is portrayed as its hotbed. No wonder
as this peninsula is an absolutely pivotal portion of the Black Sea
theatre for the very survival of the Black Sea fleet to both Russia and
Ukraine. In the larger context, it revels the old chapters of history
books full of overt and covert struggles between Atlantic–Central Europe
and Russophone Europe for influence and strategic depth extension over
the playground called Eastern Europe.
However, there are two other vital theatres for these same protagonists,
both remaining underreported and less elaborated.
Author brings an interesting account on Caspian and Artic, by
contrasting and comparing them. He claims that both water plateaus are
of utmost geopolitical as well as of geo-economic (biota, energy,
transport) importance, and that Caspian and Arctic will considerably
influence passions and imperatives of any future mega geopolitical
strategies – far more than Black Sea could have ever had.
Read more on the next page:
Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
Vienna, 14 APR 14
anis@corpsdiplomatique.cd
14.04.2014
  ●
Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac
- Member of the Advisory Board of the IFIMES
International Institute
Malaysian Boeing 777 accident
On the basis of the information gathered and
published it is possible to establish some important parameters for the
reconstruction of the missing Malaysia Airlines Boeing 777 accident.
Those parameters are:
- the signals coming to the base station showed
that the engines were working for about seven hours after the plane
formally disappeared;
- although the satellite and radar images of the
plane in the air are insufficiently reliable they nevertheless indicate
that the plane was physically in the air for about seven hours after the
moment it formally went missing;
- the fact that several passengers had their cell
phones turned on is a considerable indicator that they were physically
present in the plane while it was flying in the air although none of
them answered the calls.
Read more on the next page:
30.03.2014
Geopolitics and
the
dramatic confrontation over Crimea
Dear friends,
In recent months large numbers of Ukrainians braved first the cold, and then
snipers, protesting and waving the blue star-spangled flag of Europe. This has
angered leaders in the Kremlin, leading to the dramatic confrontation over
Crimea. It also left many in the EU confused how to respond.
Should the EU, or future Ukrainian governments, withdraw the promise of deeper
integration in order to placate a grim and threatening Russia, as some in the EU
are arguing behind closed doors? Is Ukraine's still undefined "European
perspective" worth the risk of offending Russia?
Or have Ukrainians, by defending their right to ratify an Association Agreement
with the EU – and to pursue deeper integration in the future – in fact kept open
the single most promising path for their country to transform itself for the
benefit of its ordinary citizens?
Read more on the next page:
21.03.2014
INDONESIA ELECTION 2014
By Igor Dirgantara
Abstract
One
of the fastest growing economies (over 6%) and the forthcoming power
house in the impressive world’s top 10 club, as well as the largest
Muslim (but secular, republican and non-Arab) country is heading towards
its presidential elections. Mood, wisdom and passions of the strongly
emerging Indonesian middle class will be decisive this time. Or by words
of distinguish colleague of mine, professor Anis Bajrektarevic: “The
middle class is like a dual-use technology, it can be deployed
peacefully, but it also might be destructively weaponized, for at home
or abroad.”
Keywords: Indonesia Election, Presidential
Candidates, Political Programs, Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi
From November 2013 to January 2014, Faculty of Social
and Politics, University of Jayabaya (UJ), periodically conducted
surveys related to the electability of the political parties and the
presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2014 elections.
The results show that the electability of the Democratic Party and the
Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) have been decreasing following corruption
cases. The survey was conducted in 33 provinces by taking a sample of
1225 people which have the right to vote (aged 17 years and over. or not
yet 17 years old but already married). The margin of error is + / - 2.8%
and the confidence level is 95%. Population Data were collected through
interviews withrespondents using techniques based on the questionnaire.
Read more on the next page:
28.02.2014
Climate Change and Re-Insurance: The Human Security Issue
SC – SEA
Prof. Anis Bajrektarevic & Carla Baumer
1
Introduction
Climate change, its existence, causes and
effects, has been disputed by researchers, academics and policy makers.
The given degree of international consensus varies greatly between those
most affected by changes to climatic conditions in contrast to those who
are estimated to only experience a limited effect.
Controversially, it
can also be claimed that some regions are set to gain from climate
change such as the polar region nations currently disputing resource
claims and logistic networks. In analysis of available data, research
suggests the increased intensity of storms, hurricanes, cyclones,
flooding, droughts, bushfires, mudslides and hailstorms along with
increased temperatures, rising sea levels, and changing to pressure
systems.
With climate change as a global phenomenon, not isolated to a
certain region, the interest of stakeholders remains strongest in those
with the ‘smallest’ voice such as the coastal areas, islands, commonly
catastrophe prone and ‘future’ catastrophe prone regions in South East
Asia.
Read more on the next page:
30.01.2014
Call for Action in Syria
World Security
Network reporting from Berlin in Germany, January 23, 2014
Dear
Friends of the World Security Network,
as the Syrian peace
conference is currently held in Montreux, Switzerland, the independent
World Security Network Foundation would like to share with you its proposals
for the future of Syria, that we have come up with two years ago and still find
them valid today.
1.
A new Syrian Constitution should be discussed and
adopted by the Syrian National Council as soon as possible.
We should not wait for the fall of the Assad regime in the hope that a
democratic constitution can be agreed in the extreme chaos that will inevitably
follow.
This mistake was made in Iraq as well as in Libya and Egypt where the
West did not connect its support with a crystal-clear democratic constitution
first and naively believed democrats would later win in the power struggle with
radicals.
Read more
on the next page:
23.01.2014
PUBLICATIONS:
Vietnamese Australians’ Community: Realities and Prospect - By Prof.
Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan
Celebrating the 25th Anniversary of the
fall of the Berlin Wall
25 years
after 9/11 – How many Germanies should Europe have? - Prof. Anis H.
Bajrektareviæ
Why is
(the Korean peninsula and East) Asia unable to capitalize (on) its
successes - Anis H. Bajrektarevic
The AsianSquare Dance - 1st part - By Michael Akerib, Vice-Rector,
SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY
Jamil Maidan Flores: Why ASEM Is Vital to Indonesian Interest
The political character
of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive and use social
networks? - by Dimitra Karantzeni
Were the Crusades Justified? A
Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
Europe – the letzte Mensch or Übermensch, the new Byzantium or
declining Rome - Prof. Anis H. Bajrektarevic
Brazil – New Age - Patricia Galves Derolle
“War
as Usual” in Palestine. Can Kosovo’s Independence Serve as Role
Model for a Way Out? - by Corinna Metz
Global Climate Negotiations and Politics - Alisa Fazleeva
A
Modest “Australian” Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political
Problems - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
From
WWI
to
www.
– PUTIN
NEXT DR - prof.
dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
Palestine has right to resist occupier: Expert
Is
the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of
multiculturalism? - by Peny Sotiropoulou
EU = SU² - An ahistorical
enterprise?
Towards A Europe Without Political Prisoners
Sea
Shepherd: Eco terrorists or the front line to protect social
justice? - Murray Hunter
Ukraine needs Codes of Tolerance to cool down
The
Caspian 5 and Arctic 5 – Critical Similarities - Prof. Anis H.
Bajrektarevic
Malaysian
Boeing 777 accident - Aviation General Blagoje Grahovac
Geopolitics
and
the
dramatic confrontation over Crimea
INDONESIA
ELECTION 2014 - By Igor Dirgantara
Climate_Change_and_Re_Insurance:_The_Human_Security_Issue_SC-SEA_Prof.Anis_Bajrektarevic_&_Carla_Baumer
Call_for_Action_in_Syria_-_World_Security_Network_reporting_from_Berlin_in_Germany,_January_23,_2014
HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON
AND LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1]
Nguyen Linh[2]
The
emergence of the Bhikkhuni Sangha (monkhood for women) in
Thailand -
Murray Hunter
North
Korean Leadership Upheaval: Voices from the South
20
Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty -
Eva MAURINA
Is Singapore Western
Intelligence's 6th Eye in Asia?- Murray Hunter
In
Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity
Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak
Malaysia: Why the Pakatan Rakyat does not deserve to be the
Federal Government - Murray Hunter
The Germans to the Front?
-
Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann
The Australian security state
is collecting intelligence on an Orwellian scale never seen
before
- Murray Hunter
Has an 'out of
control' intelligence community compromised 'Australia in
the Asian Century'?-Murray
Hunter
The European Court of
Justice
of Human Rights and Bosnia
The Australian Government's new stance on human rights?
- Murray Hunter
NATO rejects Bosnia and
Herzegovina due to Russia's influence -
Bakhtyar
Aljaf
The immorality of Australia's prostitution laws
- Murray Hunter
Australian Election: Abbott as PM may surprise everyone
- Murray Hunter
Malaysia: Desperately needing a new national narrative - Murray
Hunter
One Man's view of the world and a thousand faceless men:
Singapore's cadre system - Murray Hunter
How important is the Australian Election? - Murray Hunter
El Indio: Seeking Symmetry - By Jamil Maidan Flores
Australian Immigration - the Snowden link? - Murray Hunter
Sarawak Reenacts Independence from Britain 50 years Ago -Murray
Hunter
The return of Kevin Rudd as Australian PM: For how long? - Murray Hunter
Reinvigorating
Rural Malaysia - New Paradigms Needed - Murray Hunter
Can there be a National Unity Government in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter
Will Australian Labor Remain Principled and fall on its own Sword? - Murray
Hunter
Finding a long term solution in the 'Deep South' of Thailand - Murray Hunter
Islamic Freedom in ASEAN - Murray Hunter
Multiculturalism is dead in Europe – MENA oil and the (hidden) political
price Europe pays for it - Author: Anis Bajrektarevic
Malaysia: It was Never About the Election It was always about what would
happen afterwards - Murray Hunter
Enriching the Sustainability Paradigm - Murray Hunter
Does Australia's 2013 Defence White Paper Signal a Strategic Withdraw? -
Murray Hunter
Where is Saudi Arabian Society Heading? - Abdullah Abdul Elah
Ali Sallam & Murray Hunter University Malaysia Perlis
Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof. Anis
H. Bajrektarevic
Searching for an end game in the Korean Crisis - Murray Hunter
Turks suspicious
towards German Government - Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann
The high Australian Dollar: Whose
interests is the Reserve Bank of Australia looking after? - Murray Hunter
Is Secretary Kerry's trip to
China a "face saving" measure? - Murray Hunter
Asia-Pacific at
the Crossroads - The Implications for Australian Strategic Defense Policy -
Murray Hunter
Obama's Korean
Peninsula "Game" Strategy seeks to achieve a wide range of objectives in his
"Asian Pivot" - Murray Hunter
Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN
Who rules Singapore? - The only true mercantile state in the world - Murray
Hunter
The Thai Deep South: Both Malaysia and
Thailand Desperately Seeking Success - Murray Hunter
The desperate plight of Islamic education in Southern Thailand - Murray Hunte
Who makes public policy in Malaysia? - Murray Hunter
MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic
Australia's National Security Paper: Did it
amount to lost opportunities? The policy you have when you don't have a policy -
Murray Hunter
Are "B" Schools in Developing Countries
infatuated with 'Western' Management ideas? - Murray Hunter
The Stages of Economic Development from
an Opportunity Perspective: Rostow Extended - Murray Hunter
Who Really Rules Australia?: A tragic tale of the Australian People - Murray
Hunter
Europe: Something Old, Something
New, Something Borrowed, and Something Blue - Murray Hunter
Back to the future: Australia's "Pacific
Solution" reprise - Murray Hunter
Hillary to Julia "You take India and I'll take Pakistan", while an ex-Aussie
PM says "Enough is enough with the US" - Murray Hunter
Entrepreneurship and economic growth? South-East Asian
governments are developing policy on the misconception that entrepreneurship
creates economic growth. - Murray Hunter
FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS,
ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* - Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan
Australia "Do as I say, not as I do" -
The ongoing RBA
bribery scandal - Murray Hunter
Australia in the "Asian Century" or is it Lost in Asia? - Murray Hunter
Surprise, surprise: An Islam economy can be innovative - Murray Hunter
Do Asian Management Paradigms Exist? A look at four theoretical frames - Murray
Hunter
What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis
Bajraktarević
ASEAN Nations need indigenous innovation
to transform their economies but are doing little about it. - Murray Hunter
From Europe, to the US, Japan, and onto China: The evolution of the automobile -
Murray Hunter
Missed Opportunities for ASEAN if the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) fails to
start up in 2015 - Murray Hunter
Lessons from the Invention of the airplane and the Beginning of the Aviation Era
- Murray Hunter
Elite educators idolize the “ high flying entrepreneurs” while
deluded about the realities of entrepreneurship for the masses: -
Murray Hunter
The
Arrival of Petroleum, Rockefeller, and the Lessons He taught Us - Murray Hunter
- University Malaysia Perlis
Ethics, Sustainability and the New Realities - Murray Hunter
The Dominance of “Western” Management Theories in South-East Asian Business
Schools: The occidental colonization of the mind. - Murray Hunter
How feudalism
hinders community transformation and economic evolution: Isn’t equal opportunity
a basic human right? - Murray Hunter
On Some of the Misconceptions about Entrepreneurship - Murray Hunter
Knowledge, Understanding and the God Paradigm - Murray Hunter
Do Confucian Principled Businesses Exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter
Samsara and the
Organization - Murray Hunter
Integrating the philosophy of Tawhid – an Islamic approach to organization. -
Murray Hunter
What’s
with all the hype – a look at aspirational marketing - Murray Hunter
Does Intrapreneurship exist in Asia? - Murray Hunter
One Man, Multiple Inventions: The lessons and legacies of Thomas Edison -
Murray Hunter
People tend to start businesses for the wrong reasons - Murray Hunter
How
emotions influence, how we see the world? - Murray Hunter
How we create new ideas - Murray Hunter
Where do entrepreneurial opportunities come from? - Murray Hunter
The
five types of thinking we use - Murray Hunter
Evaluating Entrepreneurial Opportunities: What’s wrong with SWOT? - Murray
Hunter
How
motivation really works - Murray Hunter
The
Evolution of Business Strategy - Murray Hunter
Not all opportunities are the same: A look at the four types of
entrepreneurial opportunity -
Murray Hunter
Do we have a creative intelligence? - Murray Hunter
Imagination may be more important than knowledge: The eight types of imagination
we use - Murray Hunter
The environment as a multi-dimensional system:
Taking off your rose coloured
glasses
- Murray Hunter
Generational Attitudes and Behaviour -
Murray Hunter
Groupthink may still be a hazard to your organization - Murray Hunter
Perpetual Self conflict: Self awareness as a key to our ethical drive, personal mastery, and perception of
entrepreneurial opportunities - Murray Hunter
The Continuum of Psychotic Organisational Typologies - Murray Hunter
There is no such person as an entrepreneur, just a person who acts
entrepreneurially - Murray Hunter
Go Home, Occupy Movement!!-(The McFB– Was Ist Das?) - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
Diplomatie préventive - Aucun siècle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique - prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic
Democide Mass-Murder
and the New World Order - Paul Adams

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Viktiga nyheter


BALKAN AREA


prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Go Home, Occupy Movement!!
-
(The McFB – Was Ist Das?)
-
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

Diplomatie préventive - Aucun sičcle Asiatique sans l’institution pan-Asiatique
- prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic\/span|

ADDENDUM – GREEN/POLICY PAPER: TOWARDS THE CREATION OF THE OSCE TASK FORCE ON (THE FUTURE OF) HUMAN CAPITAL
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

Gunboat Diplomacy in the South China Sea – Chinese
strategic mistake
-
Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Geopolitics of Quantum Buddhism: Our Pre-Hydrocarbon Tao Future
prof. dr. Anis Bajrektarevic

The Mexico-held G–20 voices its concerns over the situation in the EURO zone
- Anis H. Bajrektarevic

What China wants in Asia: 1975 or 1908 ? – addendum - prof. dr. Anis
Bajraktarević



Maasmechelen Village

‘The exhaustion of Greek political system and a society in flames’ - by Dimitra
Karantzen



Maasmechelen Village

FOCUSING ON MENACING MIDDLE EAST GEOPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTS,
ENDANGERING SECURITY AND STABILITY OF WESTERN BALKAN* -
Brig Gen (Rtd) Dr. Muhammad Aslam Khan, Pakistan

Institute for the research of genocide - IGC Letter Regarding Vuk Jeremic Agenda in UN

Critical Similarities and Differences in SS of Asia and Europe - Prof.
Anis H. Bajrektarevic


MENA Saga and Lady Gaga - (Same dilemma from the MENA) - Anis H. Bajrektarevic

Le
MENA Saga et Lady Gaga
-
(Même dilemme de
la région MOAN)
- Anis Bajrektarevic


Eva MAURINA
20
Years to Trade Economic Independence for Political Sovereignty -
Eva MAURINA


Aleš Debeljak
In
Defense of Cross-Fertilization: Europe and Its Identity
Contradictions - Aleš Debeljak
ALEŠ
DEBELJAK - ABECEDA DJETINJSTVA
ALEŠ DEBEJAK
- INTERVJU; PROSVJEDI, POEZIJA, DRŽAVA

![Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1] Nguyen Linh[2]](images/Prof_Dr._Nguyen_Anh_Tuan_140.jpg)
HE ONGOING PUBLIC DEBT CRISIS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: IMPACTS ON AND
LESSONS FOR VIETNAM - Dr. Nguyen Anh Tuan, Assos. Prof.[1]
Nguyen Linh[2]


Carla BAUMER
Climate
Change and Re Insurance: The Human Security Issue SC-SEA Prof. Anis
Bajrektarevic & Carla Baumer

Igor Dirgantara
(Researcher and Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Politics,
University of Jayabaya)


Peny Sotiropoulou
Is the ‘crisis of secularism’ in Western Europe the result of
multiculturalism?


Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella
A Modest “Australian”
Proposal to Resolve our Geo-Political Problems
Were the Crusades Justified? A Revisiting - Dr. Emanuel L. Paparella


Alisa Fazleeva earned an MA in International Relations from
the University of East Anglia in Norwich, United Kingdom in 2013. Her
research interests include foreign policy decision-making, realism and
constructivism, and social psychology and constructivism.


Corinna Metz
is an independent researcher specialized in International Politics and Peace
& Conflict Studies with a regional focus on the Balkans and the Middle East.


Patricia
Galves Derolle
Founder of Internacionalista
São Paulo, Brazil
Brazil – New Age


Dimitra Karantzeni
The political character of Social Media: How do Greek Internet users perceive
and use social networks?


Michael Akerib
Vice-Rector
SWISS UMEF UNIVERSITY

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